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The signing of the peace agreements between the FARC-EP and the Colombian Government in late November 2016 has generated new prospects for peace in Colombia, opening the possibility of redressing the harm inflicted on Colombians by Colombians. Talking about peace and transitional justice requires us to think about how to operationalize peace agreements to promote justice and coexistence for peace. This volume brings together reflections by Colombian academics and practitioners alongside pieces provided by researchers and practitioners in other countries where transitional justice initiatives have taken place (Bosnia and Herzegovina, South Africa, Sri Lanka and Peru). This volume has been written in the south, by the south, for the south. The book engages with the challenges ahead for the coming generations of Colombians. Rivers of ink have dealt with the end goals of transitional justice, but victims require us to take the quest for human rights beyond the normative realm of theorizing justice and into the practical realm of engaging how to implement justice initiatives. The tension between theory—the legislative frameworks guaranteeing human rights—and practice—the realization of these ideas—will frame Colombia’s success (or failure) in consolidating the implementation of the peace agreements with the FARC-EP.
Colombia is enduring an internal conflict with almost forty years of history. Guerrillas and self-defense organizations are threatening one of the oldest democracies in Latin America just as the country is starting to recover from one of the deepest economic depressions since its independence. The Colombian government, with both civilian and international support, is trying to halt, or at least to reduce the level of violence. However, the enormous military and economic strength of the guerrillas and illegal self-defense groups is clearly delaying the resolution of this conflict. This thesis analyzes the origins of the conflict in Colombia and shows how mistaken government policies and changes in the drug trade have contributed to the escalation of the conflict in the 1990s. It then seeks to explain the prospects for peace in Colombia by analyzing the objectives and strategies of the actors involved in the conflict. It concludes that the FARC guerrilla and self-defense groups seem to be interested in conflict perpetuation. On the other hand, the state security forces and all domestic and international actors clearly favor peace. To a lesser degree, even the ELN may seek peace, because they have been coerced and debilitated. The final chapter assesses the likelihood for success of Colombia's current strategy and makes policy recommendations. It concludes that the government's peace strategy and its unrelenting battle against narcotrafficking may increase the violence in the short run, but it should weaken the guerrillas and the self-defense organizations economic and military strength in the long run.
As the year 2000 begins, the disintegration of Colombia in a situation of violence, political unrest, and economic upheaval is a very real threat to the national interests of the United States. It is critical that Washington's concern for failed states, such as Yugoslavia, apply to the Western Hemisphere as well. Ramifications of Colombia's demise are at least as important for the hemisphere as the fragmentation of Yugoslavia has been for Europe. Beyond the imminent threat to stability in the region, the 40-year old insurgency now torturing Colombia also poses an urgent dilemma for defense of the United States from the scourge of narcotraffic, for loss of Colombia as a lucrative trade partner, for protection of the Andean and Amazon environments from dangerous pollutants, and for the threat to promotion of democracy and humanitarian principles so close to the United States. In spite of years of engagement activities with the Colombian military and other government agencies, progress toward a solution has been elusive.
As the year 2000 begins, the disintegration of Colombia in a situation of violence, political unrest, and economic upheaval is a very real threat to the national interests of the United States. It is critical that Washington's concern for failed states, such as Yugoslavia, apply to the Western Hemisphere as well. Ramifications of Colombia's demise are at least as important for the hemisphere as the fragmentation of Yugoslavia has been for Europe. Beyond the imminent threat to stability in the region, the 40-year old insurgency now torturing Colombia also poses an urgent dilemma for defense of the United States from the scourge of narcotraffic, for loss of Colombia as a lucrative trade partner, for protection of the Andean and Amazon environments from dangerous pollutants, and for the threat to promotion of democracy and humanitarian principles so close to the United States. In spite of years of engagement activities with the Colombian military and other government agencies, progress toward a solution has been elusive.
A comprehensive and timely analysis of the prospects for peace and justice in Colombia.
The obstacles to peace in Colombia remain daunting. Prompted by an Inter-American Dialogue event with six leading Colombian analysts and former officials on January 31, 2013, this report explores the prospects for peace and provides background on the process' most contentious debates.
Documents and analyzes the vast array of peace initiatives that have emerged in Colombia. This title explores how local and regional initiatives relate to national efforts and identifies possible synergies. It examines the multiple roles of civil society and the international community in the country's complex search for peace.