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Edward Said, the famous Palestinian American scholar and activist, was one of the twentieth century's most iconic public intellectuals, whose pioneering and – to some – controversial work on Orientalism shaped Middle Eastern and postcolonial studies and beyond. But how exactly did he arrive at his famous maxim to 'speak truth to power'? This dual biographical study examines the lives of Edward Said and the eminent Lebanese philosopher and diplomat Charles Malik, a distant relative 30 years his senior whom Said knew from childhood as “Uncle Charles.” To Said, Malik was no ordinary relative; in his memoir, he called Malik “the great negative intellectual lesson of my life”, and was to describe him as “an ideal as I was growing up” only to later claim Malik “went through an ugly transformation that I could never come to terms with”. M.D. Walhout charts the development of these two remarkable figures, reconstructing in the process the way in which American power in the Middle East came to have a defining effect on Arab intellectuals in the twentieth century. Exploring issues of religion and nationalism, Walhout shows how Said came to reject much of what Malik stood for: Christian faith, hardline anti-Communism and the benign nature of American power. He argues that the example of Malik was instrumental in the development of Said's later belief that the true vocation of the intellectual was not to compromise with power, but to resist it.
A provocative account of the decayed relationship between the U.S. and Arab world, and a powerful recommendation for how it can be salvaged
For a brief period, the attention of the international community has focused once again on the plight of religious minorities in Iraq, Syria, and Turkey. In particular, the abductions and massacres of Yezidis and Assyrians in the Sinjar, Mosul, Nineveh Plains, Baghdad, and Hasakah regions in 2007–2015 raised questions about the prevention of genocide. This book, while principally analyzing the Assyrian genocide of 1914–1925 and its implications for the culture and politics of the region, also raises broader questions concerning the future of religious diversity in the Middle East. It gathers and analyzes the findings of a broad spectrum of historical and scholarly works on Christian identities in the Middle East, genocide studies, international law, and the politics of the late Ottoman Empire, as well as the politics of the Ottomans' British and Russian rivals for power in western Asia and the eastern Mediterranean basin. A key question the book raises is whether the fate of the Assyrians maps onto any of the concepts used within international law and diplomatic history to study genocide and group violence. In this light, the Assyrian genocide stands out as being several times larger, in both absolute terms and relative to the size of the affected group, than the Srebrenica genocide, which is recognized by Turkey as well as by international tribunals and organizations. Including its Armenian and Greek victims, the Ottoman Christian Genocide rivals the Rwandan, Bengali, and Biafran genocides. The book also aims to explore the impact of the genocide period of 1914–1925 on the development or partial unraveling of Assyrian group cohesion, including aspirations to autonomy in the Assyrian areas of northern Iraq, northwestern Iran, and southeastern Turkey. Scholars from around the world have collaborated to approach these research questions by reference to diplomatic and political archives, international legal materials, memoirs, and literary works.
A union list of serials commencing publication after Dec. 31, 1949.
The Congressional Record is the official record of the proceedings and debates of the United States Congress. It is published daily when Congress is in session. The Congressional Record began publication in 1873. Debates for sessions prior to 1873 are recorded in The Debates and Proceedings in the Congress of the United States (1789-1824), the Register of Debates in Congress (1824-1837), and the Congressional Globe (1833-1873)
Includes entries for maps and atlases.
Oman was ruled by the Al Bu Sa’id for 250 years, and during this period the fortunes of the state varied considerably. But in July 1970, as a result of a palace coup, the state abruptly turned away from isolation and traditions of the past. The most obvious alteration was in the dramatic change in the outward appearance of the country, particularly as exemplified by the rejection of the long era of stagnation and the parallel emphasis on socio-economic development. In the political realm, however, the shifting balance of power and the rapid growth and diversification of the state’s administrative structure were based essentially on perennial themes in Omani politics. The interplay between four of these themes forms the basis of this study, first published in 1978. The role of the Sultan and the ruling family, the development of the administration, the exercise of tribal politics and the impact of external influences on the state are closely examined and the modifications they went in response to the various challenges of the twentieth century are discussed. The constant flux in the relative importance of each of these themes illustrates the fragile nature of the traditional Omani political system, for in the twentieth century the Al Bu Sa’id Sultanate found its precarious hold over the country challenged on a number of occasions. These challenges – ranging from the tribal and religious rebellion of 1913-20, to the Marxist-Leninist revolt in Dhufar – are also analysed in detail, together with the response of the Sultanate to their impact.