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Sampanis argues that the United States uses agricultural trade liberalization as a bonding issue with middle and weak countries, that the US then uses this relationship to improve its bargaining position with its challengers, that the US uses this relationship to enhance its competitiveness vis-a-vis its challengers, and that the US also uses this relationship to improve its access into middle and weak countries. Sampanis also shows that Britain before it also used negotiated arrangements with weaker states to gain bargaining power and improve competitiveness with challengers. What do you do if-after years of doing what you want, getting others to do what you want, and essentially calling the shots-you can no longer simply do what you wish, convince others to do as you prefer, and dictate agendas? Sampanis examines through the lens of agricultural policy this dilemma faced by hegemons in decline, those once preeminent states whose dominance is gradually eroded by the very successes they encouraged. As a self-preservation measure the United States-and Great Britain before it-negotiated arrangements with weaker states to gain bargaining power with challengers. Forming a coalition with those previously ignored, these declining hegemons maneuvered survival. Britain transformed its empire into a commonwealth; it used trade incentives to curry continued allegiance. In a significant policy shift, the United States seeks common ground with middle and weak states to rejuvenate its economic competitiveness in those economies as well as in those of its developed competitors. The tactice worked better for the United States, since a coalition of numbers translates into a coalition of votes in the institutional frameworks its hegemonic leadership fosters. As Sampanis shows, for both the United States and Great Britain, the prize has been an extended lease on influence.
This book adds a new dimension to the discussion of the relationship between the great powers and the weaker states that align with them—or not. Previous studies have focused on the role of the larger (or super) power and how it manages its relationships with other states, or on how great or major powers challenge or balance the hegemonic state. Beyond Great Powers and Hegemons seeks to explain why weaker states follow more powerful global or regional states or tacitly or openly resist their goals, and how they navigate their relationships with the hegemon. The authors explore the interests, motivations, objectives, and strategies of these 'followers'—including whether they can and do challenge the policies and strategies or the core position of the hegemon. Through the analysis of both historical and contemporary cases that feature global and regional hegemons in Europe, Latin America, the Middle East, Africa, Asia, and South Asia, and that address a range of interest areas—from political, to economic and military—the book reveals the domestic and international factors that account for the motivations and actions of weaker states.
In this companion volume to his 1995 bibliography of the same title, Daniel Blewett continues his foray into the vast literature of military studies. As did its predecessor, it covers land, air, and naval forces, primarily but not exclusively from a U.S. perspective, with the welcome emergence of small wars from publishing obscurity. In addition to identifying relevant organizations and associations, Blewett has gathered together the very best in chronologies, bibliographies, biographical dictionaries, indexes, journals abstracts, glossaries, and encyclopedias, each accompanied by a brief descriptive annotation. This work remains a pertinent addition to the general reference collections of public and academic libraries as well as special libraries, government documents collections, military and intelligence agency libraries, and historical societies and museums.
In this work, the authors employ a series of experiments to assess the strategies used to win elections and stay in power once elected.
Rose analyses the Conservative response to the foreign policy strategies in the post-war coalition, highlighting the complex nature and development of Conservative foreign policy thinking.
Why does the United States sometimes seek multilateral support for its military interventions? When does it instead sidestep international institutions and intervene unilaterally? In Coalitions of Convenience, a comprehensive study of US military interventions in the post-Cold War era, Sarah Kreps shows that contrary to conventional wisdom, even superpowers have strong incentives to intervene multilaterally: coalitions confer legitimacy and provide ways to share the costly burdens of war. Despite these advantages, multilateralism comes with costs: multilateral responses are often diplomatic battles of attrition in which reluctant allies hold out for side payments in exchange for their consent. A powerful state's willingness to work multilaterally, then, depends on its time horizons--how it values the future versus the present. States with long-term--those that do not face immediate threats--see multilateralism as a power-conserving strategy over time. States with shorter-term horizons will find the expediency of unilateralism more attractive. A systematic account of how multilateral coalitions function, Coalitions of Convenience also considers the broader effects of power on international institutions and what the rise of China may mean for international cooperation and conflict.
A Crisis in Leadership: I Still Believe By: Dr. Clayton M. Wilcox A Crisis in Leadership: I Still Believe was written not just to chronicle the author’s, Dr. Clayton M. Wilcox’s, personal leadership story, but to share lessons learned over Wilcox’s forty years serving in both the public and private sectors. This book’s goal is to help new and veteran leaders navigate the challenges of leading in the twenty-first century by creating change and altering course in our new reality. A Crisis in Leadership considers the new world and how leaders must navigate, why you should still believe in the power of leadership, and offers practical tips and insights into leadership strategies supported by research and successful leaders.
On December 20, 2011, Egyptian women of all ages and backgrounds—urban and rural, working class and upper class—came out in force to Cairo’s Tahrir Square in one of the largest uprisings in the country’s history. The demonstrators gathered as citizens and likewise as women demanding social change and the right to gender equality. The size and impact of that uprising underscore the vital importance of women activists to what became known as the Arab Spring. In Resistance, Revolt, and Gender Justice in Egypt, Tadros charts the arc of the Egyptian women’s movement, capturing the changing dynamics of gender activism over the course of two decades. She explores the interface between feminist movements, Islamist forces, and three regime ruptures in the battle over women’s status in Egyptian society and politics. Parsing the factors that contribute to the success and failure of activist movements, Tadros provides valuable insight on sustaining social change and a vitally important perspective on women’s evolving status in a contemporary authoritarian context.
This collection examines changes in China’s international role over the past century. Tracing the links between domestic and external expectations in the PRC’s role conception and preferred engagement patterns in world politics, the work provides a systematic account of changes in China’s role and the mechanisms of role taking. Individual chapters address the impact of China’s history and identity on its bilateral role taking patterns with the United States, Japan, Africa, the Europe Union, and Socialist States as well as China’s role in international institutions, the G-20, and East Asia’s Financial Order. Each of the empirical chapters is written to a common template exploring the role of historical self-identification, altercasting and domestic role contestation in shaping the PRC’s role. The volume provides an analytically coherent framework evaluating whether cooperation or conflict in China’s international engagement is likely to increase, and if so, the extent to which this will follow from incompatible domestic demands and external expectations. By combining a theoretical framework with strong comparative case studies, this volume contributes to the ongoing debate on China’s rise and integration into the international society and provides sound conclusions about the prospects for a transition of China’s purpose in world politics.
This volume, a product of the first Tricontinental Conference organized by Yeditepe University, İstanbul, brings together perspectives on democracy and development in Africa, the Middle East and Latin America. Representing local voices and insight, the contributors here respond to the dearth of comparative analysis on these three regions. In spite of the differences observed in colonial practices and postcolonial transitions, a shared disenchantment with the performance of competitive politics comes to the forefront in these geographical areas. Decades after decolonization, low-intensity democracy and the continuing potential for democratic reversals and backsliding make the study of these three regions relevant. Considering the debates on protests, social upheavals, activism, change and continuity, this book encourages the reader to survey the various trials and tribulations of the postcolonial era.