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This book is about the things which could unite, rather than divide, poets during the English Civil Wars: friendship, patronage relations, literary admiration, and anti-clericalism. The central figure is Andrew Marvell, renowned for his 'ambivalent' allegiance in the late 1640s. Little is known about Marvell's associations in this period, when many of his best-known lyrics were composed. The London literary circle which formed in 1647 under the patronage of the wealthy royalist Thomas Stanley included 'Cavalier' friends of Marvell such as Richard Lovelace but also John Hall, a Parliamentarian propagandist inspired by reading Milton. Marvell is placed in the context of Stanley's impressive circle of friends and their efforts to develop English lyric capability in the absence of traditional court patronage. By recovering the cultural values that were shared by Marvell and the like-minded men with whom he moved in the literary circles of post-war London, we are more likely to find the reasons for their decisions about political allegiance. By focusing on a circle of friends and associates we can also get a sense of how they communicated with and influenced one another through their verse. There are innovative readings of Milton's sonnets and Lovelace's lyric verse, while new light is shed on the origins and audience not only of Marvell's early political poems, including the 'Horatian Ode', but lyrics such as 'To His Coy Mistress'.
This volume honours the memory of Professor Alan Everitt who, in a series of publications during the 1960s and 1970s, advanced the fruitful notion of the 'county community' during the seventeenth century. Everitt's The community of Kent and the Great Rebellion (Leicester, 1966) convinced scholars that counties were worth studying in their own right rather than merely to illustrate the national narrative. He emphasised the importance of local identities and allegiances for their own sake. Taking into account over two decades of challenges to Everitt's assumptions, the present volume proposes some modifications of Everitt's influential hypotheses in the light of the best recent scholarship. In so doing, this collection signposts future directions for research into the relationship between the centre and localities in seventeenth-century England. The essays' innovative interpretations of the concept of the 'county community' reflect the variety of approaches, methods and theories generated by Everitt's legacy. The book includes an important re-evaluation of political engagement in civil war Kent and also has a wider geographical focus as other chapters draw examples from numerous midland and southern counties as well as Wales. A personal appreciation of Professor Everitt is followed by a historiographical essay which evaluates the extraordinary impact of Everitt's book and the debate it provoked. Other chapters assess the cultural horizons of the gentry and ways of analysing their attachment to contemporary county histories and there is a methodological focus throughout on how to contextualise the local experiences of the civil wars into wider interpretative frameworks. Whatever the limitations of Everitt's original thesis may have been, historians studying early modern society and its relationship to the concepts and practice of governance must still reckon with the county and the primacy of local experiences which was at the heart of Everitt's work.
Originally published in 1985 the English Civil War is a subject which continues to excite enormous interest throughout the world. This atlas consists of over fifty maps illustrating all the major - and many of the minor - bloody campaigns and battles of the War, including the campaigns of Montrose, the battle of Edgehill and Langport. Providing a complete introductory history to the turbulent period, it also includes maps giving essential background information; detailed accompanying explanations; a useful context to events.
A biography of the British monarch examines his upbringing, personality, and the events that led to his downfall
This book is a study of English forests and hunting in early modern England.
The cross-listed dictionary entries offer a complete explanation of each important aspect of the Civil Wars and their effect on the Kingdom. Also includes maps and a bibliography.
`The book has a freshness of viewpoint which makes most enjoyable reading.' - Joan Thirsk As the country's largest city, the focus of its trade and cultural life and the possessor of sizeable militia forces and the national capital, London's influence on the country's history has always been very important. In particular its adherence to the parliamentarian cause was crucial to the outcome of the first Civil War and its aloofness from the second Civil War was no less significant. The essays in this volume examine the background to its choice of allegiance, the way in which it was secured for the parliamentary cause in 1642, its contribution to the war effort, the royalists' reaction to its recalcitrance, the impact of the war upon the capital and its importance as the centre of politically inspired ceremonial.
This book traces the history of English law and government for fourteen centuries, from the withdrawal of Roman Legions from Britannia to separation of Englands New World colonies and the ratification of the Constitution of the United States. The governments of the United States and Great Britain, although separate now for over two centuries, share a deep common heritage. The starting point for American legal history goes back to the roots of English common law. This narrative follows the evolution of Anglo-American common law. The chapters are arranged as a collection of brief biographies that credit in chronological order the individuals whose contributions to law and justice helped to create the tranquil civil world most of us enjoy today. The model for English colonial government in the New World was the common law that had evolved over centuries in England. In much of history, laws were created to protect the wealth and power of those who enjoyed social privilege. Gradually, equity and justice in the protection of basic human rights of common mankind became compelling concerns of law and government. Slowly, even the rights of minorities whose members differed from the mainstream in language, religion, culture, and ethnicity became a concern of justice. Each upward step in legal equity has been a move from injustice to a little less injustice. The evolutionary path toward greater justice has had its ups-and-downs. Reverses in justice occurred with the Anglo-Saxon invasion after the fall of Ancient Rome, with the Norman Conquest of 1066, in the Wars of the Roses, and in the vain self-serving reign of Henry VIII. Periods of notable advance in the history of law came with personal contributions of Alfred the Great, Henry Plantagenet, Simon de Montfort, Edward Longshanks, Good Queen Bess, Thomas Egerton, Edward Coke, Oliver Cromwell, and Founding Fathers of the United States Constitution. All these events are revisited. The author has expressed original opinions and explanations of the record that will disagree in some instances from interpretations of these events here by others. The author hopes that this informal telling of a story, will contribute to an appreciation that living today in an enlightened time that aspires to provide equal justice for all under common law is far superior to tribal life in a far distant Dark Ages when might-made-right and getting-even was the accepted goal of justice by tribal barbarians. H. Eugene Lehman, Chapel Hill, NC, USA 2014
This is a critical re-evaluation of one of the best known episodes of crowd action in the English Revolution, in which crowds in their thousands invaded and plundered the houses of the landed classes. The so-called Stour Valley riots have become accepted as the paradigm of class hostility, determining plebeian behaviour within the Revolution. An excercise in micro-history, the book questions this dominant reading by trying to understand the inter-related contexts of local responses to the political and religious counter-revolution of the 1630s and the confessional politics of the early 1640s. It explains both the outbreak of popular 'violence' and its ultimate containment in terms of a popular (and parliamentary) political culture that legitimised attacks on the political, but not the social, order. The book also advances a series of general arguments for reading crowd actions, and questions how the history of the English Revolution has been written.