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Based on a unique comparative study of Burundi, Rwanda, Ethiopia, Lebanon, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Nepal, Myanmar, the Philippines, and Fiji this book analyses the formal and informal arrangements defining the post-conflict political order in these countries and evaluates whether these systems strengthened or weakened the chances of establishing sustainable peace and lasting democracy. What can be learned from these cases? Each country has it unique history but they are faced with comparable challenges and dilemmas in building a democratic future. Which solutions seem to contribute to democratic stability and which do not? These questions are discussed in light of theoretical literature, case studies, and field interviews with the authors concluding that systems based on proportional representation offered the best prospects for including diverse and conflicting identities and building unified political systems. The book is of particular interest to students of democracy and peace-building; academics as well as decision-makers and practitioners in the field.
Based on a unique comparative study of Burundi, Rwanda, Ethiopia, Lebanon, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Nepal, Myanmar, the Philippines, and Fiji this book analyses the formal and informal arrangements defining the post-conflict political order in these countries and evaluates whether these systems strengthened or weakened the chances of establishing sustainable peace and lasting democracy.
Based on a unique comparative study of Burundi, Rwanda, Ethiopia, Lebanon, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Nepal, Myanmar, the Philippines, and Fiji this book analyses the formal and informal arrangements defining the post-conflict political order in these countries and evaluates whether these systems strengthened or weakened the chances of establishing sustainable peace and lasting democracy. What can be learned from these cases? Each country has it unique history but they are faced with comparable challenges and dilemmas in building a democratic future. Which solutions seem to contribute to democratic stability and which do not? These questions are discussed in light of theoretical literature, case studies, and field interviews with the authors concluding that systems based on proportional representation offered the best prospects for including diverse and conflicting identities and building unified political systems. The book is of particular interest to students of democracy and peace-building; academics as well as decision-makers and practitioners in the field.
Despite the growing focus on issues of socio-economic transformation in contemporary transitional justice, the path dependencies imposed by the political economy of war-to-peace transitions and the limitations imposed by weak statehood are seldom considered. This book explores transitional justice’s prospects for seeking economic justice and reform of structures of poverty in the specific context of post-conflict states.
The book surveys comparative power sharing models implemented in societies that have faced identity-conflicts, with attention given to post-conflict design. It analyzes the success and pitfalls of international experiences before proposing a model for Syria. Contributors address the central question: which among the set of power-sharing agreements that have helped settle protracted identity-driven armed conflict can provide Syria with a platform for dialogue, negotiation, and conflict mitigation? The comparative analysis advanced in this book extracts lessons from countries such as Bosnia-Herzegovina, India, Iraq, Lebanon, Mali, Northern Ireland, the Philippines and Sudan. The prospect of a post-conflict distribution of power in Syria is then unraveled from different sectarian, ethnic and regional perspectives. The authors also address challenges of peacebuilding such as violent extremism, gender participation, resettlements, retributions, transitional justice, integration of armed groups and regional and international sponsorship.
Shows how power-sharing practices reduce violence both preventively and after conflicts by giving potential violent challengers access to central and/or regional power.
South Sudan is one of the world’s most divided and unstable countries. Since achieving statehood in 2011, the country has plunged into civil war (2013-15) and become the scene of some of the worst human rights abuses on the African continent. Despite ongoing political turmoil, states and international institutions have pledged enormous resources to stabilize the country and shore up the current peace process, but have had limited influence in dealing with the effects of rampant corruption and factionalism. The Challenge of Governance in South Sudan examines the factors that continue to haunt peace-building efforts, including the domination of the SPLM/A, factionalization, corruption, human rights atrocities, an ineffective constitution, and the role of international actors. It brings together a diverse set of leading scholars to reflect on these factors and propose ways of promoting peace and stability in South Sudan. In particular, the book asks whether the disparity between domestic priorities/policies and foreign intervention strategies has prevented the peace process from moving forward. The contributors probe this issue by addressing the flaws of past peace agreements, poor governance, a weakly articulated peacekeeping mission, US foreign policy, and a lack of moral accountability. This book is perfect for students, scholars and policy makers with an interest in the challenges faced by the world’s newest country.
This book explores pathways to redress for main groups of victims/survivors of the 1992-5 Bosnian war —families of missing persons, victims of torture, survivors of sexual violence, and victims suffering physical disabilities and harm. The author traces the history of redress-making for each of these groups and shows how differently they have been treated by Bosnian authorities at the state and subnational level. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, thousands of war victims have had to suffer re-traumatising ordeals in order to secure partial redress for their suffering during 1992–1995 and after. While some, such as victims of sexual violence, have been legally recognised and offered financial and service-based compensation, others, such as victims of torture, have been recognized only recently with a clear geographical limitation. The main aim of the book is to explore the politics behind recognizing victimhood and awarding redress in a country that has been divided by instrumentalized identity cleavages, widespread patronage and debilitating war legacies. It shows how war victims/survivors navigate such fragmented and challenging public landscape in order to secure their rights.
The Comprehensive Peace Agreement marked the end of Sudan's second civil war between the North and South. But in creating an autonomous southern region and a pathway toward statehood, it failed to resolve the effects of rebel factionalism, party infighting, and corruption in the South. In South Sudan's Fateful Struggle, Steven C. Roach analyzes these persistent effects of the South-South war, showing how they disrupted the transition to statehood and divided the transitional government of national unity in South Sudan. Throughout, he stresses the centrality of elite mismanagement and the durable dynamics of war which have shaped the country's troubled political destiny. The government, plagued by patronage-fueled corruption and patrimonialism, continues to rely on the threat of violence to govern the country and to delay the transition to a new government of national unity. Roach argues that in naturally sowing division and distrust, government elites must ultimately learn to engage civil society to achieve long-term peace, accountability, and justice. Along with providing an overview of the country's trajectory in this century, Roach traces its state of war to colonial times and uses the notion of militarized patronage to describe the distinct nature of South Sudan's patronage networks. He shows how the Sudan People's Liberation Movement came to dominate the country's affairs to become a powerful deterrent to democracy, security, justice, and national unity. He then discusses the promising efforts by civil society actors to advance hybrid justice by pressuring the government to implement a truth commission, a war crimes court, and reparations commission. Comprehensive in scope, the book represents the first systematic examination of South Sudan's quandary both before and after its civil war.
The violent transitions that have dominated developments since the Arab Uprisings demonstrate deep-seated divisions in the conceptions of state authority and citizen rights and responsibilities. Analysing the Middle East through the lens of the ‘citizenship approach’, this book argues that the current diversity of crisis in the region can be ascribed primarily to the crisis in the relations between state and citizen. The volume includes theoretical discussions and case studies, and covers both Arab and non-Arab countries.