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'The book offers a broad survey of political parties’ financing strategies in Southeast Asia.'Contemporary Southeast AsiaPolitical activities, the running of party organisations, branches and headquarters, and especially election campaigns, are becoming increasingly costly, and no party can survive without money. Political power provides access to funding from public and private sources. Political parties have become more and more like businesses, including the temptation to maximise the income and the war chests, thus opening the doors for vested interests and influence peddling. As a result, money politics is pervasive, and the public is becoming increasingly critical of it. Trust in political parties, politicians, governments, and key state institutions has fallen to unprecedented levels. In most countries in the region general and political corruption, graft, and influence peddling are all too visible for the voters, while good governance remains an ideal too often out of reach.This book, Power Broking in the Shade: Party Finances and Money Politics in Southeast Asia, provides an overview of the strategies for financial survival of the parties in the region and the importance of stable cash flows for their political success. The book fills the void of a comparative approach towards party financing that covers the whole of ASEAN and offers accessible facts and understandable analysis for anyone interested in the politics of Southeast Asia.
Level of compliance - one of the most important prerequisites of good governance - varies widely across countries of the Global North and the less developed, Global South. Acts of non-compliance, such as electoral irregularities, dubious deals between private and public sectors, questionable role of the justice systems and financial scandals, though they vary greatly across countries, are an omnipresent reality of contemporary life. This volume has brought together a number of case studies of such deviant behavior in political, juridical and corporate fields, from several countries of Asia, Europe and South America, within a common framework. Instead of a moral approach based exclusively on the legality and illegality of the act, the authors of these essays dissect non-compliance analytically, taking culture and context into account. They argue that, while criminal and corrupt dealings deserve to be exposed by all means from an ethical point of view, seen from an interdisciplinary angle, one needs to probe deeper into the dynamic that leads to such non-compliance with the law in the first place.
This state-of-the-art Encyclopedia provides a detailed snapshot study of politics in Asia. Curated by two internationally recognized scholars, entries offer key insights and critical reference points in order to navigate the vastness, diversity, and dynamism of Asian politics.
The past three decades since the end of the Cold War have been a time of remarkable change for Southeast Asia. Long seen as an arena for superpower rivalry, Southeast Asia is increasingly coming into its own by locating itself at the forefront of regional integration initiatives that involve not only the states of the region, but major external powers such as the United States, China, India, Japan, and Australia. Extensively updated and revised in light of these changes and developments, this fifth edition of Dictionary of the Modern Politics of Southeast Asia remains indispensable. This new edition starts with profiles of each Southeast Asian country, before providing over 500 alphabetically arranged individual entries, each containing detailed accounts and analyses of major episodes and treaties, political parties and institutions, civil society movements, and regional and international organizations. Biographies of significant political leaders and personalities, both past and present, are also provided. Entries are comprehensively cross-referenced, and an index by country directs readers to all entries concerning a particular country. The Dictionary concludes with an extensive bibliography that serves as a guide to further reading. An essential one-stop reference book, this book is an indispensable tool for all scholars and students of Asian politics and international affairs, and a vital resource for journalists, diplomats, policy makers, and others with an interest in the region.
Corruption in Asia ranges from the venal rent-seeking of local officials to the million-dollar bribes received by corrupt politicians; from excessive position-related consumption to future job offers in the private sector for compliant public servants; from money-laundering to ‘white elephant’ projects that do little more than line the pockets of developers and their political partners. The Routledge Handbook of Corruption in Asia addresses the theories, issues and trends in corruption and anticorruption reform that have emerged from this diverse experience. The book is divided into four major parts: corruption and the state; corruption and economic development; corruption and society; and controlling corruption: strategies, successes and failures. Chapters compare and contrast corruption in different social and institutional contexts, examine both successful and unsuccessful attempts to control it, and consider what lessons can be drawn from these Asian experiences. This academically rigorous and insightful book will be of interest to a wide range of students and scholars, particularly those of Asian studies, politics and sociology.
Populism is on the rise, and so are academic studies on populism. The study of populism has long focused on the way its spokespersons have behaved as an oppositional force, in Western countries in particular. While discourses and practices of populists exercising a protest function still merit attention, this volume trains the focus on populists in government. The real novelty of the past decade is that many populists are now (or have been) in power, in Europe as well as in other parts of the world, and this book intends to play a pioneering role from a geographical and analytical standpoint. Besides Europe and Latin America, where populism is well established, populists are today—or have been recently—in office in the Middle East (Turkey, Israel), Asia (India, Thailand, the Philippines, Pakistan, Sri Lanka), and the United States. In most of the cases, their rule has resulted in forms of authoritarianism, giving birth to a new kind of regime that combines elections—which populists need to nurture their legitimacy—and attacks against institutions in charge of checks and balances, including the judiciary. While most of the populist rulers have consolidated their power, democratic resilience has prevailed in some rare cases.
Southeast Asia is one of the biggest marketplaces for illicit drugs. The international syndicates with their billion-dollar profits are similar to the Hydra of the old Greek mythology which grew two new heads if one was cut off. Hercules eventually killed the monster with the help of his nephew who cauterised the fresh wounds before new heads could emerge. This story describes quite well the challenging task for the political and police efforts to fight the narcotics industry which has a long history in Asia. From the early 1800s, the East India Company dumped Indian opium on China and ruined the economy of both countries. During the colonial heydays, Britain in Malaya and Burma, France in Indochina, and the Netherlands in today's Indonesia, financed big parts of their colonial budgets with opium. In the 20th century, heroin ruined countless lives in Southeast Asia and in the West.Today, synthetic drugs, especially methamphetamines, are produced in hidden laboratories in remote areas of the region and smuggled across the porous borders. Drug prevention programs and the harsh penalties in all ASEAN states have not reduced the drug trade and the consumption. On the contrary, both are growing.This book analyses the detrimental impact of the drug industry on the political economy and the social developments in Southeast Asia. Shortcomings and lasting damages can be traced in the political structures, in the rampant corruption, and the secretive links between customs, armies, police organisations, and organised crime.
"In the rich and growing body of work on democracy, there has been little attention to the connection between democracy and migration; and when there is, it is usually in connection with countries that see in-migration rather than out-migration. The latter is the focus of this book, which looks specifically at remittances--money sent from a migrant back to their home country--and how they reshape the internal balance of power by influencing the incentives and opportunities for political action among individuals receiving remittance income. Not only do remittances provide the resources that make contentious collective action possible, but they also reduce households' dependence on state-delivered goods and thus undermine the effectiveness of regime patronage strategies that underpin electoral authoritarianism. The book starts with a general examination of international migration and associated remittance flows, pointing out that remittance flows have become so great as to be one of the largest sources of foreign income in autocracies--and one that goes directly to democratizing agents (that is, to individuals), largely circumventing authoritarian governments. The authors then look the mechanisms that cause non-democracies collapse, and how these mechanisms are encouraged by remittances. Specifically, the authors look at how remittances inrease the likehood of individual-level protest, decrease the appeal of patronage networks, and act as an accelerant during the democratizing process"--
Some fledging democracies in the world have encountered setbacks due to political parties trying to grapple with the expectations of sophisticated electorates and introducing gradual political reforms over the years.This book describes how democracy is evolving in East Asia and how it assumes different forms in different countries, with political parties adapting and evolving alongside. It has a two-fold intent. First, it contends that the existing variety of party systems in East Asia will endure and may even flourish, rather than converge as liberal democracies. Second, it highlights the seeming political durability of one party systems ? unlike two-part or multi-party systems in the US and Europe ? and their enduring predominance in countries such as Cambodia, China, Singapore and Vietnam.