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The book is a very timely and important work on US foreign policy toward India since the 9/11 terrorist attacks. The author traces the trajectory of closer Indo-US relations during the Bush and Obama administrations. The author applies a qualitative methodological approach to describe these changes and explain the factors that explain the strengthened bilateral relationship, especially after decades of irritable relations between the two "estranged democracies." The book compares two factors – (a) the 9/11 attacks; (b) global structural changes after the Cold War – to assess which of these factors best explains closer Indo-US relations over the last two decades. The author's argument seems to be that the explanation lies more in the second factor (structural changes), rather than the first (consequences of the 9/11 attacks). The book should be a fascinating one that provides an excellent analysis of Indo-US relations since India's independence to Obama administrations based on extensive use of key primary sources including interviewing the persons involved in US foreign policy-making process. While the existing literature has mainly focused on the civil-nuclear deal as a turning point for Indo-US relations, this book presented an alternative story for improved Indo-US relations in the 21st century and uncovered the ongoing puzzle. More interestingly, the author showed how Indian diaspora as a 3rd party play role in strengthening Indo-US relations.
Papers presented at a national seminar held at New Delhi.
This book analyzes how US-India relations have entered into a new phase with the commitment of both countries to fight against global and transnational terrorism. The 9/11 terrorist attacks on the economic and military symbols of the US and the "26/11" Mumbai attack have brought both countries closer together to deal with this global concern. Both countries have realized that the danger of terrorism transcends the boundaries of nations, religions, cultures, and faiths. The book suggests that the foreign policy credentials of both India and US should be oriented to work together to fight against the menace of global terrorism. This could lead to a renewed relationship to address other growing and alarming dangers to the countries of South Asia, as well as with the international community.
Contributed articles on foreign relations of India post 1984 and national security concerns presented earlier at a seminar celebrating 40th anniversary of Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses.
This volume represents one of the rare and comprehensive exercises in critically analysing diverse aspects of India s engagement with the world after the cold war. It is primarily written for the students and scholars in international relations who are trying to grapple with different aspects of India s foreign policy. It contains 24 papers by some of the prominent academicians and diplomats on on major areas as well as some of the dominent concerns of India s foreign policy. It situates India s role in the context of the Third World. The essays included in this volume deal with a vast spectrum of subjects and issues, encompassing the political, ideological, security and economic aspects of India s foreign policy. They are related to reforms and liberalisation, regional cooperation, human, national and energy security, and the overall strategy of India s foreign policy since independence. In the process, they unveil the complexities of relations between India and major powers like the United States, Russia and China, and shed fresh insights on India s ties with important regions including West Asia, Southeast Asia, Africa and the Indian Ocean rim. India s ties with its South Asian neighbours, particularly Pakistan, are scrutinised with the idea of exploring the possibilities of promoting South Asian regional cooperation. The policy analysis and insights offered in the volume would be useful to students, scholars and policy-makers studying India s engagement with the world.
An anthology of twenty-three article by authors subject experts which touch every component of India's foreign policy and excusive the new tendencies on the commerciality of interests.
This authoritative work on India's foreign policy rests on the fundamental values of international relations that India has cherished. Efforts have been made to analyze these values and to evaluate to what extent these have been implemented and to what extent these have been effective. This edition of the book has been updated to include new issues that have emerged and have come to dominate India’s foreign policy concerns. India’s stance on Climate Change has undergone an evolution in the last two decades which is important to understand. Similarly, India’s relation with Israel which was tepid and limited till 1992 has undergone a radical transformation ever since. India has forged a close and important partnership with Israel which will be critical going forward for it, especially in the defence sector. India and Israel have also come to share a sense of solidarity, being common victims of terrorism as was highlighted by the 26/11 Mumbai terror attacks of 2008. Thus, it is important to take stock of India’s growing relationship with Israel. Furthermore, the rise of China is the biggest geopolitical challenge India faces in this century. This edition discusses how India is seeking to formulate a foreign policy in accordance with its emergence as a major international power. It also discusses India’s relations with its neighbours in South Asia.
After India gained Independence from the United Kingdom in 1947, it strongly supported independence movements in other colonies. Jawaharlal Nehru, India's first Prime Minister, was the architect of India's foreign policy. During the Cold War, India adopted a foreign policy of not aligning itself with any major power bloc. However, India developed close ties with the Soviet Union and received extensive military support from it. The end of the Cold War significantly affected India's foreign policy, as it did for much of the world. In the post-Cold War era, a significant aspect of India's foreign policy is the 'Look East Policy' launched in 1992. India's growing economy, strategic location, and a large and vibrant Diaspora have won it more allies and partners. The foreign policy of Prime Minister Narendra Modi indicates a shift towards focusing on the Asian region and, more broadly, trade deals. This volume contains 9 research articles, authored by scholars in the field of political science, international relations, comparative politics, economics, security studies, and political economy. These contributions provide useful material to understand contemporary dynamics of India's foreign policy and diplomacy. [Subject: South Asian Studies, Politics, International Relations, History]Ã?Â?Ã?Â?
The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) and Aspen Institute India (Aii) have cosponsored a U.S.-India Joint Study Group to identify the shared national interests that motivate the United States and India. The group is releasing its conclusions from meetings held in New Delhi, and Washington, DC. It recommends* The United States express strong support for India''s peaceful rise as a crucial component of Asian security and stability.* The United States and India endorse a residual U.S. military presence over the long term in Afghanistan beyond 2014, if such a presence is acceptable to the government of Afghanistan.* The two countries resume regular meetings among the so-called Quad states (the United States, India, Japan, and Australia), and should periodically invite participation from other like-minded Asian nations such as South Korea, Indonesia, Singapore, and Malaysia. Representatives of the Quad states have not met since 2007.The group comprised business, policy, and thought leaders from the United States and India, and was co-chaired by Robert D. Blackwill, Henry A. Kissinger senior fellow for U.S. foreign policy, and Naresh Chandra, chairman of National Security Advisory Board.Other members are:Graham T. Allison - Harvard Kennedy SchoolK. S. Bajpai - Delhi Policy GroupSanjaya Baru - Business Standard, IndiaDennis C. Blair Former Director of National IntelligencePramit Pal Chaudhuri - Hindustan TimesP. S. Das Former commander-in-chief, Eastern Naval Command, Indian NavyTarun Das - Aspen Institute IndiaJamshyd N. Godrej - Godrej & Boyce Manufacturing Company Ltd.Richard N. Haass - CFR, ex officioStephen J. Hadley - United States Institute of PeaceBrajesh Mishra - Observer Research FoundationC. Raja Mohan - Centre for Policy Research, New DelhiJohn D. Podesta - Center for American ProgressAshley J. Tellis - Carnegie Endowment for International PeacePhilip D. Zelikow - University of VirginiaThe following are select policy recommendations from the report, The United States and India: A Shared Strategic Future.On Pakistan:* Hold classified exchanges on multiple Pakistan contingencies, including the collapse of the Pakistan state and the specter of the Pakistan military losing control of its nuclear arsenal.* The United States should heavily condition all military aid to Pakistan on sustained concrete antiterrorist measures by the Pakistan military against groups targeting India and the United States, including in Afghanistan.* The United States should continue to provide technical assistance to Pakistan to protect its nuclear arsenal, and to prevent the transfer of this technology to third parties.* India should continue its bilateral negotiations with Pakistan on all outstanding issues, including the question of Kashmir. India should attempt to initiate quiet bilateral discussions with Pakistan on Afghanistan as well as trilateral discussions with Afghanistan.On Afghanistan:* India, with U.S. support, should continue to intensify its links with the Afghanistan government in the economic, diplomatic, and security domains.* The United States and India should determine whether large-scale Indian training of Afghanistan security forces, either in Afghanistan or in India, would be beneficial.On China and Asia:* The United States and India should jointly and individually enlist China''s cooperation on matters of global and regional concern. Neither India nor the United States desire confrontation with China, or to forge a coalition for China''s containment.* Given worrisome and heavy-handed Chinese actions since 2007, the United States and India should regularly brief each other on their assessments of China and intensify their consultations on Asian security.On the Middle East:* The United States and India should collaborate on a multiyear, multifaceted initiative to support and cement other democratic transitions in the Middle East-with Arab interest and agreement.* India should intensify discussions with Iran concerning the stability of Iraq and Afghanistan.On economic cooperation, the United States and India should:* Enhance the Strategic Dialogue co-chaired by the U.S. secretary of state and Indian minister of external affairs to include economics and trade.* Begin discussions on a free trade agreement, but recognize that it may not be politically possible in the United States to conclude negotiations in the near term.On climate change and energy technology, the collaboration should:* Include regular, cabinet-level meetings focused on bridging disagreements and identifying creative areas for collaboration.* Conduct a joint feasibility study on a cooperative program to develop space-based solar power with a goal of fielding a commercially viable capability within two decades.On defense cooperation, the United States should:* Train and provide expertise to the Indian military in areas such as space and cyberspace operations where India''s defense establishment is currently weak, but its civil and private sector has strengths.* The United States should help strengthen India''s indigenous defense industry. The United States should treat India as equivalent to a U.S. ally for purposes of defense technology disclosure and export controls of defense and dual-use goods, even though India does not seek an actual alliance relationship.This Joint Study Group, cosponsored by the Council on Foreign Relations and Aspen Institute India, was convened to assess issues of current and critical importance to the U.S.-India relationship and to provide policymakers in both countries with concrete judgments and recommendations. Diverse in backgrounds and perspectives, Joint Study Group members aimed to reach a meaningful consensus on policy through private and nonpartisan deliberations. Once launched, this Joint Study Group was independent of both sponsoring institutions and its members are solely responsible for the content of the report. Members'' affiliations are listed for identification purposes only and do not imply institutional endorsement.
The Mumbai blasts of 1993, the attack on the Indian Parliament in 2001, Mumbai 26/11—cross-border terrorism has continued unabated. What can India do to motivate Pakistan to do more to prevent such attacks? In the nuclear times that we live in, where a military counter-attack could escalate to destruction beyond imagination, overt warfare is clearly not an option. But since outright peace-making seems similarly infeasible, what combination of coercive pressure and bargaining could lead to peace? The authors provide, for the first time, a comprehensive assessment of the violent and non-violent options available to India for compelling Pakistan to take concrete steps towards curbing terrorism originating in its homeland. They draw on extensive interviews with senior Indian and Pakistani officials, in service and retired, to explore the challenges involved in compellence and to show how non-violent coercion combined with clarity on the economic, social and reputational costs of terrorism can better motivate Pakistan to pacify groups involved in cross-border terrorism. Not War, Not Peace? goes beyond the much discussed theories of nuclear deterrence and counterterrorism strategy to explore a new approach to resolving old conflicts.