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This book is about domestic politics following the Revolution of 1908 in Turkey. Although seemingly straightforward in its telling of events from the opening of the Parliament in alte 1908 to the re-capture of constitutional government in early 1913, this book is built upon a premise that is fundamentally different from previous studies. Whereas previous studies deal with the period as if conditions were normalised immediately after the Revolution of 1908, this book takes the view that the period under scrutiny is a relentless struggle over the political future of Turkey. The Revolution of 1908 was no mere "restoration" of the Constitution of 1876. It tried to bring about a fundamental change in the political structure of Turkey. In more senses than one, the Revolution brought about the end of the Ottoman Empire. If the Ottoman Empire stood for everything that reminded one of absolutism and the practices associated with it, "Young Turkey" represented a radical break with that past. A modern, centralised state actively engaged in both promoting capitalist relations of production in the economy, and upholding a parliamentary form of government in politics replaced the absolutist state symbolised in the autocratic personality of Abdülhamid II. The political history of the period from late 1908 to early 1913 reflects the constant struggle between the proponents of the new regime working through, and depending upon, the newly created parliament, and the monarchist forces who aimed at restoring the ancien régime at all costs. One cannot but observe that this is no ordinary parliamentary struggle of two opposing political groups to capture political power through mutually agreed upon principles of liberal democratic politics. Although a superficial look at parliamentary debates and press reports might give that impression, a closer scrutiny of the content of those debates and the reason for, as well as the nature of, the arguments and disagreements show it with absolute clarity that here was a case of a continuous struggle between the old, absolutist mentality and the new, liberal worldview.
In his book on constitutional revolutions in the Ottoman Empire and Iran in the early twentieth century, Nader Sohrabi considers the global diffusion of institutions and ideas, their regional and local reworking and the long-term consequences of adaptations. He delves into historic reasons for greater resilience of democratic institutions in Turkey as compared to Iran. Arguing that revolutions are time-bound phenomena whose forms follow global models in vogue at particular historical junctures, he challenges the ahistoric and purely local understanding of them. Furthermore, he argues that macro-structural preconditions alone cannot explain the occurrence of revolutions, but global waves, contingent events and the intervention of agency work together to bring them about in competition with other possible outcomes. To establish these points, the book draws on a wide array of archival and primary sources that afford a minute look at revolutions' unfolding.
The Ottoman revolution of 1908 is a study in contradictions—a positive manifestation of modernity intended to reinstate constitutional rule, yet ultimately a negative event that shook the fundamental structures of the empire, opening up ethnic, religious, and political conflicts. Shattered Dreams of Revolution considers this revolutionary event to tell the stories of three important groups: Arabs, Armenians, and Jews. The revolution raised these groups' expectations for new opportunities of inclusion and citizenship. But as post-revolutionary festivities ended, these euphoric feelings soon turned to pessimism and a dramatic rise in ethnic tensions. The undoing of the revolutionary dreams could be found in the very foundations of the revolution itself. Inherent ambiguities and contradictions in the revolution's goals and the reluctance of both the authors of the revolution and the empire's ethnic groups to come to a compromise regarding the new political framework of the empire ultimately proved untenable. The revolutionaries had never been wholeheartedly committed to constitutionalism, thus constitutionalism failed to create a new understanding of Ottoman citizenship, grant equal rights to all citizens, and bring them under one roof in a legislative assembly. Today as the Middle East experiences another set of revolutions, these early lessons of the Ottoman Empire, of unfulfilled expectations and ensuing discontent, still provide important insights into the contradictions of hope and disillusion seemingly inherent in revolution.
This book explores the historial role of the Balkan Wars. In Eastern Europe, the two Balkan Wars of 1912/13 had greater importance than the First World War for the construction of nations and states. This volume shows how these “short” wars profoundly changed the sociopolitical situation in the Balkans, with consequences that are still felt today. More than one hundred years later, the successors of the belligerent states in Southeastern Europe memorialize the wars as heroic highlights of their respective pasts. Furthermore, the metaphor that the Balkans were Europe’s “powder keg”, perpetuated at the beginning of the twentieth century in the face of these wars, was reactivated in both the West and the East up through the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s. The authors entangle the hitherto exclusive national master narratives and analyse them cogently and trenchantly for an international readership. They make an indispensable contribution to the proper integration of the Balkan Wars into the European historical memory of twentieth-century warfare.
In Class, Capital, State, and Late Development: The Political Economy of Military Interventions in Turkey, Gönenç Uysal discusses state-military-society relations in Turkey from the late Ottoman era to today by exploring state-class-capital relations under the dynamics of uneven development. Uysal approaches Turkey as a late-developing social formation characterised by unevenness and dependency, arising from the contradictions of capitalist relations of production and integration with the world capitalist system. By drawing upon historical materialism/Marxism, Uysal offers a critical/radical understanding of (re)organisation of the state and military interventions in politics in peripheries of global capitalism.
The Turkish Republic was formed out of immense bloodshed and carnage. In the years leading up to the ascendancy of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, virtually every town and village throughout Anatolia was wracked by intercommunal violence. Sorrowful Shores presents a unique history of these bloody years of social and political transformation.
Mediterranean Diasporas looks at the relationship between displacement and the circulation of ideas within and from the Mediterranean basin in the long 19th century. In bringing together leading historians working on Southern Europe, the Balkans, and the Ottoman Empire for the first time, it builds bridges across national historiographies, raises a number of comparative questions and unveils unexplored intellectual connections and ideological formulations. The book shows that in the so-called age of nationalism the idea of the nation state was by no means dominant, as displaced intellectuals and migrant communities developed notions of double national affiliations, imperial patriotism and liberal imperialism. By adopting the Mediterranean as a framework of analysis, the collection offers a fresh contribution to the growing field of transnational and global intellectual history, revising the genealogy of 19th-century nationalism and liberalism, and reveals new perspectives on the intellectual dynamics of the age of revolutions.
This publication of analytical studies of the working of the Tabl gh Jam at, which is presently operating in more than eighty countries, provides fascinating information about the contemporary da wa phenomenon in Islam. It deals with questions of conversion, gender, religious diversity, organization, communication, localization and personal transformation.
The reciprocal relationship between colonialists and the colonised people of India, during the crucial period from 1760 to 1860, provides fascinating study material. This edited volume explores cultural colonialism by focussing on the ambivalent processes of reciprocal perceptions.
The anthology is an introduction to political cultures in the Islamic world and into relations between the West and Islam. It details its analysis in country studies on Algeria, Iran, Egypt, Morocco, Turkey, Bosnia, Israel/Palestine, Iraq, Central Asia and Pakistan.