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ocial Reconstruction as a philosophy, stream of thought or “official program” ois often synonymous with Depression-era Progressivism. But, Social Reconstruction, unlike progressivism, enjoyed political stardom. The spirit of progressivism, at least in terms of education, found a home in those enthusiasts who supported a child-centered perspective of education. Others, such as the essentialists viewed their progressive role as one that advanced the view of essential or basic education as the most sound approach to curriculum and teaching. Still others, more radical in their outlook, believed that progress should be framed with questions about social justice and equity. Proponents of social reconstruction included Harold Rugg and George Counts, although the “movement” was rich with supporters. To date, social reconstruction is only a by word in most texts that deal with the Progressive Era or progressive education, perhaps, because Rugg and Counts, the two most visible proponents, sought and received the political limelight, no matter how glaring. In any event, the depths of social reconstruction have yet to be plumbed. Hence, the first book in this series will offer a comprehensive treatment of Social Reconstruction, which include chapters that examine its proponents, political nature, and social justice programs born of and within the tumultuous context of progressive politics.
Built upon a series of critical encounters with major figures in classical and present-day social and political thought, this volume offers not only a challenging critique of major traditions of social and political analysis, but unique insights into the ideas which Giddens has developed over the past two decades.
The studies which comprise this book are essentially organized around a critical encounter with European social theory in its 'classical period' – i.e. from the middle years of the nineteenth century until the First World War – and have the aim of working out some of the implications of that encounter for the position and prospects of the social sciences today. The issues involved relate to the following series of problems: method and epistemology; social development and transformation; the origins of 'sociology' in nineteenth-century social theory; and the status of social science as critique. In each of these areas, Giddens develops views that challenge existing orthodoxies, and connects these ideas to a reconstruction of social theory in the contemporary era.
This 1969 study considers the relation of sociology to political philosophy and extends traditional political philosophy in the direction of contemporary developments.
The Second Edition of Curriculum Theory: Conflicting Visions and Enduring Concerns by Michael Stephen Schiro presents a clear, unbiased, and rigorous description of the major curriculum philosophies that have influenced educators and schooling over the last century. The author analyzes four educational visions—Scholar Academic, Social Efficiency, Learner Centered, and Social Reconstruction—to enable readers to reflect on their own educational beliefs and more productively interact with educators who might hold different beliefs.
In an age of rising groupthink, reactionary populism, social conformity, and democratic deficit, political judgment in modern society has reached a state of crisis. In The Specter of Babel, Michael J. Thompson offers a critical reconstruction of the concept of political judgment that can help resuscitate critical citizenship and democratic life. At the center of the book are two arguments. The first is that modern practical and political philosophy has made a postmetaphysical turn that is unable to guard against the effects of social power on consciousness and the deliberative powers of citizens. The second is that an alternative path toward a critical social ontology can provide a framework for a new theory of ethics and politics. This critical social ontology looks at human sociality not as mere intersubjectivity or communication, but rather as constituted by the shapes that our social-relational structures take as well as the kinds of purposes and ends toward which our social lives are organized. Only by calling these into question, Thompson boldly argues, can we once again attempt to revitalize social critique and democratic politics.
Gandhian Thought Can Be Evaluated In Two Perspectives. One Is What Gandhi Basically Stands For. He Distrusted Industrialism And Had The Courage To Decry Industrialization With Mass Production Even When It Was At Its Peak. In That Spirit Gandhian View Of Human Society Is An Alternative To Modern Industrial Society.In The Other Perspective, Gandhian Thought Is Evaluated In Terms Of The Needs And Requirements Of The Existing Society And An Attempt Is Made To Reinterpret It To Suit Those Requirements. In This Endeavour, The Basic Spirit Of Gandhian Ideals, Very Often, Is Sacrificed Or Compromised.The Present Book Gandhian Theory Of Social Reconstruction Analyses Gandhian Thought In The First Perspective And Thereby Provides A Rational And Viable Framework Of Post-Industrial Human Society After Gandhian Ideals.It First Establishes That There Is The Need To Find An Alternative To Industrial Society And That The Alternative Could Be Based On Spirituality. The Concept Of Spirituality Is Discussed Here In Secular And Sociological Terms Avoiding All Jargons Of Various Religions And Philosophy.Further, The Book Propounds A New Unconventional Classification Of Human Motivation Encompassing The Entire Gamut Of Motivational Urge.It Also Introduces The Concept Of Soul Force As A New Dimension To The Realms Of Theory And Practice Of Social Reconstruction. This Is Based On The Awakening Of The Soul To Its Potential Or Force That Gives Strength To The Individual At Least To Uphold One S Dignity And Self-Respect Which Are Being Violated In The Present Society Whether Of The West Or Of The East. For Creating And Sustaining Soul Force, This Theory Provides Appropriate Instruments And Methods.The Book Also Outlines The Constitution Of A Non-Violent Society Incorporating Such Ingredients As May Lead To The Emergence Of A Non-Violent And Spiritual Social Order. The Book Then Goes On To Discuss The Method Of Non-Violent Action In The Manner Of A Process As A Gandhian Technique For Conflict Resolution, Fighting Against Social Injustice And Exploitation And Rebuilding The New Society.One May Ridicule The Theory As Utopian. But The Goals Should Always Be Set On The Highest Side Even Though They May Never Be Realized In Their Completeness. One Should Constantly Try To Reach Them As High As Possible To The Best Of One S Capacity. The Goals Should Never Be Set On The Lower Level.This Book Opens Up Many New Vistas For Research And Joins The Current Debate In Political And Economic Fields On Social Reconstruction Going On Since The Second World War And More So After The Collapse Of Communism In Soviet Russia And The 9/11 Events That Have Agitated The Human Conscience.
The principal purpose of the present volume is to analyse critically one of the major contemporary interpretations of the origin of support for radical or extremist political behaviour - the political theory of mass society. Mass political theory is one of several major perspectives on political extremism which share a stress on the social psychological, emotional and irrational origins of dissidence. The present work may be seen as part of a growing scholarly effort reassessing such theories and urging the importance of increased attention to the social structure origins, cognitive nature and rational properties of dissident support. The present work should be of interest to a fairly broad professional community and student audience, as well as to the informed and more literate layman. Of particular interest may be the detailed summary of the origins of mass political theory and of the properties of the theory itself and the lengthy case study chapter stressing the purposive, reasonable and non-exceptional character of several familiar radical political movements.
The essays presented in this volume challenge both theorists and citizens to confront grave injustices committed in the United States. David Lyons encourages us to take a fresh look at the beginnings of America, including the colonists' early adoption of race-based slavery even though it was unlawful and why those who rebelled against English oppression were responsible for greater injustices against their Native American neighbors. Confronting injustice requires us to consider how delegates to the 1787 constitutional convention readily embraced increased protections for chattel slavery, why the federal government later abandoned Reconstruction, and why the nation allowed former slave owners to establish a new system of racial oppression called Jim Crow. It requires us to ask why America's official rejection of white supremacy is combined with an unwillingness to address continuing racial stratification. Confronting injustice calls upon political theorists to test their views in the crucible of social history. It challenges those who debate abstractly the idea of an obligation to obey the law to consider the implications of grievous injustices. It calls upon those who assume that their society is now 'reasonably just' to ask when that transformation occurred, despite the fact that children who are black or poor are denied equal opportunity.