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One of the persistent democratic deficits throughout the world is women’s lack of influence in politics. In relation to political parties in particular, the voice of women in decision-making remains insufficient, and, in some cases, is nonexistent. This report is based on the findings of a two-year project implemented by International IDEA, aimed at analyzing the commitments of political parties to gender equality in 33 countries in Africa. One of the key findings from this research is that, although political parties’ constitutions and manifestos contain general gender equality commitments, their utility is limited by the lack of concrete measures to ensure that commitments are translated into effective actions and outcomes.
Good governance is an index of human development. What constitutes good governance is holistic and gender issues are key components in the formation and practice of governance. In pre-colonial Africa, governance is inclusive of men and women. In the pre-colonial era, it could be argued that women had spheres of power and powerlessness. In most post-colonial societies of Africa, it is a rarity to accord women positions in government. Yet, the United Nations Conferences held in Copenhagen (1980), Nairobi (1985), Beijing (1995) and New York (2000), all had drafts and resolutions to change inequalities and vulnerabilities women encounter in public and private spaces. What are the issues to understand in the inclusion or exclusion of women in governance of African states and societies? This book explicates the experiential issues in gender, politics and governance. The 'known' are the stereotypes accorded to women as weak and unfit to take strategic roles in public life. Scholars across disciplines have debunked this perception. The known constantly linger in perpetuity because the development plans of African states fail to understand what it takes to have women empowered in all ramifications.
During the course of the past three decades efforts of democratisation and institutional reforms have characterised the African continent, including demands for gender equality and women's political representation. As a result, some countries have introduced affirmative action measures, either in the aftermath of conflicts or as part of broader constitutional reforms, whereas others are falling behind this fast track to women's political representation. Utilising a range of case studies spanning both the success cases and the less successful cases from different regions, this work examines the uneven developments on the continent. By mapping, analysing and comparing women's political representation in different African contexts, this book sheds light on the formal and informal institutions and the interplay between these that are influencing women's political representation and can explain the development on women's political representation across the continent and present perspectives on an 'African feminist institutionalism'.
Sustainable development is now intricately linked not just to economic growth, but more importantly, to the quality of life of people in terms of their social status, political participation, cultural freedom, environmental justice and inclusive development. For previously colonized nations like Nigeria, these linkages are believed to have been influenced by the legacies of colonial rule, positively or otherwise. Through the Gender Lens: A Century of Social and Political Development in Nigeria looks at how colonialism has enabled or hindered the roles of the state in promoting inclusive development in general, and gender equality, in particular, in the process of nation building. In this edited volume, scholars analyze a host of policies, strategies and programs, as well as empirical evidence, to expose how types of governance — from direct colonial rule in the country from 1914, through her independence in 1960, a Republic in 1963, and to different post-independence governance periods — have influenced gender relations, and the impacts of these on Nigerian women. Diverse sectoral perspectives from education, health, culture, environment, and especially politics, are presented to explain the level of attainment (or otherwise) of gender equality and the implications for Nigeria’s road to sustainable development. The emphasis on the role of the state in development particularly indicts the social and political domains of governance. Hence, the main focus of inquiry in the volume. In its twelve chapters, the authors analyze available data and other information to draw relevant conclusions, identify lessons of experience, including from some cross-country comparisons, and make concrete recommendations for more gender-inclusive systems of governance in the next century of Nigeria’s nationhood.
Women and Power in Africa: Aspiring, Campaigning, and Governing examines women's experiences in African politics as aspirants to public office, as candidates in election campaigns, and as elected representatives. Part I evaluates women's efforts to become party candidates in four African countries: Benin, Ghana, Malawi, and Zambia. The chapters draw on a variety of methods, including extensive interviews with women candidates, to describe and assess the barriers confronted when women seek to enter politics. The chapters help explain why women remain underrepresented as candidates for office, particularly in countries without gender-based quotas, by emphasizing the impact of financial constraints, fears of violence, and resistance among party leaders. Part II turns to women's experiences as candidates during elections in Kenya and Ghana. One chapter provides an in-depth account of a woman's presidential bid in Kenya, demonstrating how gendered ethnicity undermined her candidacy, and another chapter presents a novel evaluation of the media's coverage of women candidates in Ghana. Part III turns to women as legislators in Namibia, Uganda, and Burkina Faso, asking whether women engage in substantive representation on gendered policy issues once in office. The chapters challenge the assumption that a critical mass of women is necessary or sufficient to achieve substantive representation. Taken together, the book's chapters problematize existing hypotheses regarding women in political power, drawing on understudied countries and variety of empirical methods. By following political pathways from entry to governance, the book uncovers how gendered experiences early in the political process shape what is possible for women once they attain political power. Oxford Studies in African Politics and International Relations is a series for scholars and students working on African politics and International Relations and related disciplines. Volumes concentrate on contemporary developments in African political science, political economy, and International Relations, such as electoral politics, democratization, decentralization, the political impact of natural resources, the dynamics and consequences of conflict, and the nature of the continent's engagement with the East and West. Comparative and mixed methods work is particularly encouraged. Case studies are welcomed but should demonstrate the broader theoretical and empirical implications of the study and its wider relevance to contemporary debates. The series focuses on sub-Saharan Africa, although proposals that explain how the region engages with North Africa and other parts of the world are of interest. Series Editors: Nic Cheeseman, Professor of Democracy and International Development, University of Birmingham; and Ricardo Soares de Oliveira, Professor of the International Politics of Africa, University of Oxford.
The book analyses patterns of women’s political participation and evaluates disparity between levels of women’s participation in politics and representation in governance in Nigeria. It also examines the causes of women’s underrepresentation in governance and decision-making as well as their implications for the country’s socioeconomic development and describes strategies for increased women’s representation in governance and decision-making in Nigeria. This study relies on political-culture and liberal-feminist theory and adopts a mixed-method research design involving quantitative and qualitative methods. It uses multistage sampling in selecting Nigeria’s South-East, North-West and South-West geopolitical-zones and 1206 women of electoral age for the study survey conducted using structured questionnaire and in-depth interview.
A Handbook for Gender-Inclusive Elections in Commonwealth Africa: Achieving 50:50 by 2030 reviews the systems, legislation and best practice that will need to be implemented and effectively monitored to get more women into politics and help to realise Sustainable Development Goal 5 – achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls.
This book defines the relationship between gender and international security, analyzing and critiquing international security theory and practice from a gendered perspective. Gender issues have an important place in the international security landscape, but have been neglected both in the theory and practice of international security. The passage and implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (on Security Council operations), the integration of gender concerns into peacekeeping, the management of refugees, post-conflict disarmament and reintegration and protection for non-combatants in times of war shows the increasing importance of gender sensitivity for actors on all fronts in global security. This book aims to improve the quality and quantity of conversations between feminist security studies and security studies more generally, in order to demonstrate the importance of gender analysis to the study of international security, and to expand the feminist research program in Security Studies. The chapters included in this book not only challenge the assumed irrelevance of gender, they argue that gender is not a subsection of security studies to be compartmentalized or briefly considered as a side issue. Rather, the contributors argue that gender is conceptually, empirically, and normatively essential to studying international security. They do so by critiquing and reconstructing key concepts of and theories in international security, by looking for the increasingly complex roles women play as security actors, and by looking at various contemporary security issues through gendered lenses. Together, these chapters make the case that accurate, rigorous, and ethical scholarship of international security cannot be produced without taking account of women’s presence in or the gendering of world politics. This book will be of interest to all students of critical security studies, gender studies and International Relations in general. Laura Sjoberg is Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Florida. She has a Phd in International Relations and Gender Studies from the University of Southern California and is the author of Gender, Justice, and the Wars in Iraq (2006) and, with Caron Gentry, Mothers, Monsters, Whores: Women's Violence in Global Politics (2007)