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This book offers an historical account of the period 2001-2020 by focusing on the shifting connotations of certain political catchphrases and words.
This book offers an historical account of the period 2001-2020 by focusing on the shifting connotations of certain political catchphrases and words.
The Practical Philosophy of AI-Assistants presents a formal conversation between an AI engineer, Peter, and a humanities researcher, Suman. The book ensures that specialist concepts in AI research are made comprehensible to a humanities researcher, while humanities theories can be easily grasped by an AI engineer.The authors establish ground rules to design an AI-Assistant, that is, an AI system that could act as a personal friend, consultant and confidante for every individual, to be integrated into our daily lives. These rules apply to four large areas of AI development: recognition and identification, communication, explanation, and civility.In discussing these areas, this book provides an accessible account of the current state of AI research, as well as adding nuance to the underpinning assumptions informing the relevant technologies, reflecting on their social implications.The broader ideological objective of The Practical Philosophy of AI-Assistants is captured by the phrase 'practical philosophy', which expresses a commitment to bringing AI development to work towards a good life for all.
This Element examines the way that Boris Johnson's government handled the early months of the Covid crisis in the UK, with a particular focus on the role of rhetoric and communication in enacting their leadership strategy. In liberal democracies, persuasive communication is a vital tool for the execution of power, and leadership is often seen to rely on effective communication practices. The Element focuses in particular on the ways in which notions of trust and authority were constructed as part of this strategy, and how these operated as key indexicals meant to provide a foundation for effective persuasion. It examines how, within a few weeks of the start of the lockdown policy, media opinion had begun opining that the government was losing the trust of the electorate due to actions related to this communications strategy, which had the effect of undermining its authority of influence.
Common sense has always been a cornerstone of American politics. In 1776, Tom Paine’s vital pamphlet with that title sparked the American Revolution. And today, common sense—the wisdom of ordinary people, knowledge so self-evident that it is beyond debate—remains a powerful political ideal, utilized alike by George W. Bush’s aw-shucks articulations and Barack Obama’s down-to-earth reasonableness. But far from self-evident is where our faith in common sense comes from and how its populist logic has shaped modern democracy. Common Sense: A Political History is the first book to explore this essential political phenomenon. The story begins in the aftermath of England’s Glorious Revolution, when common sense first became a political ideal worth struggling over. Sophia Rosenfeld’s accessible and insightful account then wends its way across two continents and multiple centuries, revealing the remarkable individuals who appropriated the old, seemingly universal idea of common sense and the new strategic uses they made of it. Paine may have boasted that common sense is always on the side of the people and opposed to the rule of kings, but Rosenfeld demonstrates that common sense has been used to foster demagoguery and exclusivity as well as popular sovereignty. She provides a new account of the transatlantic Enlightenment and the Age of Revolutions, and offers a fresh reading on what the eighteenth century bequeathed to the political ferment of our own time. Far from commonsensical, the history of common sense turns out to be rife with paradox and surprise.
Sex, Gender and the Sacred presents a multi-faith, multi-disciplinary collection of essays that explore the interlocking narratives of religion and gender encompassing 4,000 years of history. Contains readings relating to sex and religion that encompass 4,000 years of gender history Features new research in religion and gender across diverse cultures, periods, and religious traditions Presents multi-faith and multi-disciplinary perspectives with significant comparative potential Offers original theories and concepts relating to gender, religion, and sexuality Includes innovative interpretations of the connections between visual, verbal, and material aspects of particular religious traditions
An introduction and conclusion bracket 11 papers from a November 1999 conference at the University of Huddersfield in which British scholars of politics consider fundamental concepts underlying the field. Among them are globalization, postmodernism, gender, empowerment, and social capital. Distributed in the US by Stylus. Annotation copyrighted by Book News, Inc., Portland, OR
Liberal education has been under siege in recent years. Far-right ideologues in journalism and government have pressed for a uniform curriculum that focuses on the achievements of Western culture. Partisans of the academic left, who hold our culture responsible for the evils of society, have attempted to redress imbalances by fostering multiculturalism in education. In this eloquent and passionate book a distinguished scholar criticizes these positions and calls for a return to the tradition of independent thinking that he contends has been betrayed by both right and left. Under the guise of educational reform, says David Bromwich, these groups are in fact engaging in politics by other means. Bromwich argues that rivals in the debate over education have one thing in common: they believe in the all-importance of culture. Each assumes that culture confers identity, decides the terms of every moral choice, and gives a meaning to life. Both sides therefore see education as a means to indoctrinate students in specific cultural and political dogmas. By contrast, Bromwich contends that genuine education is concerned less with culture than with critical thinking and independence of mind. This view of education is not a middle way among the political demands of the moment, says Bromwich. Its earlier advocates include Mill and Wollstonecraft, and its roots can be traced to such secular moralists as Burke and Hume. Bromwich attacks the anti-democratic and intolerant premises of both right and left--premises that often appear in the conservative guise of "preserving the tradition" on the one hand, or the radical guise of "opening up the tradition" on the other. He discusses the new academic "fundamentalists" and the politically correct speech codes they have devised to enforce a doctrine of intellectual conformity; educational policy as articulated by conservative apologists George Will and William Bennett; the narrow logic of institutional radicalism; the association between personal reflection and social morality; and the discipline of literary study, where the symptoms of cultural conflict have appeared most visibly. Written with the wisdom and conviction of a dedicated teacher, this book is a persuasive plea to recover a true liberal tradition in academia and government--through independent thinking, self-knowledge, and tolerance of other points of view.
In Alabama Getaway Allen Tullos explores the recent history of one of the nation's most conservative states to reveal its political imaginary—the public shape of power, popular imagery, and individual opportunity. From Alabama's largely ineffectual politicians to its miserly support of education, health care, cultural institutions, and social services, Tullos examines why the state appears to be stuck in repetitive loops of uneven development and debilitating habits of judgment. The state remains tied to fundamentalisms of religion, race, gender, winner-take-all economics, and militarism enforced by punitive and defensive responses to criticism. Tullos traces the spectral legacy of George Wallace, ponders the roots of anti-egalitarian political institutions and tax structures, and challenges Birmingham native Condoleezza Rice's use of the civil rights struggle to justify the war in Iraq. He also gives due coverage to the state's black citizens who with a minority of whites have sustained a movement for social justice and democratic inclusion. As Alabama competes for cultural tourism and global industries like auto manufacturing and biomedical research, Alabama Getaway asks if the coming years will see a transformation of the “Heart of Dixie.”