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This title was first published in 2000: This book contributes to social movement theory and to an understanding of Hong Kong politics through analysis of an urban housing protest movement. The theoretical approach adopted is a multi-level one, and seeks to show the influence of the political context, the resources available to the groups concerned, the actors’ interpretations of their situation and their strategy preferences. This approach fills a gap in social movement theory because most theoretical frameworks focus on a single level of analysis. The book also aims to help researchers in the field to re-examine the current development of social movement theories and to learn the specific trajectory of urban social movements in Hong Kong.
This is a fresh examination of the letters exchanged between Cicero and his correspondents, during the final decades of the Roman Republic. Drawing upon sociolinguistic theories of politeness, it explores the distinctive conventions of epistolary courtesy that shaped formal interaction among men of the Roman elite.
An analysis of a Hong Kong urban housing protest movement, exploring the relevance of political context, the resources available to the groups concerned, the actors' interpretations of their situation and their strategy preferences. The book contributes to both social movement theory and the understanding of Hong Kong politics.
Tea Sets and Tyranny offers a political history of politeness in early America, from its origins in the late seventeenth century to its remaking in the age of the Revolution.
This history of the black community of Indianapolis in the 20th century focuses on methods of political action -- protracted negotiations, interracial coalitions, petition, and legal challenge -- employed to secure their civil rights. These methods of "polite protest" set Indianapolis apart from many Northern cities. Richard B. Pierce looks at how the black community worked to alter the political and social culture of Indianapolis. As local leaders became concerned with the city's image, black leaders found it possible to achieve gains by working with whites inside the existing power structure, while continuing to press for further reform and advancement. Pierce describes how Indianapolis differed from its Northern cousins such as Milwaukee, Chicago, and Detroit. Here, the city's people, black and white, created their own patterns and platforms of racial relations in the public and cultural spheres.
The third Earl of Shaftesbury was a pivotal figure in eighteenth-century thought and culture. Professor Klein's study is the first to examine the extensive Shaftesbury manuscripts and offer an interpretation of his diverse writings as an attempt to comprehend contemporary society and politics and, in particular, to offer a legitimation for the new Whig political order established after 1688. As the focus of Shaftesbury's thinking was the idea of politeness, this study involves the first serious examination of the importance of the idea of politeness in the eighteenth century for thinking about society and culture and organising cultural practices. Through politeness, Shaftesbury conceptualised a new kind of public and critical culture for Britain and Europe, and greatly influenced the philosophical and cultural models associated with the European Enlightenment.
In Hypocrisy and the Politics of Politeness, Jenny Davidson considers the arguments that define hypocrisy as a moral and political virtue in its own right. She shows that these were arguments that thrived in the medium of eighteenth-century Britain's culture of politeness. In the debate about the balance between truthfulness and politeness, Davidson argues that eighteenth-century writers from Locke to Austen come down firmly on the side of politeness. This is the case even when it is associated with dissimulation or hypocrisy. These writers argue that the open profession of vice is far more dangerous for society than even the most glaring discrepancies between what people say in public and what they do in private. This book explores what happens when controversial arguments in favour of hypocrisy enter the mainstream, making it increasingly hard to tell the difference between hypocrisy and more obviously attractive qualities like modesty, self-control and tact.
What did it mean to be Roman after the fall of the western Roman empire in 476, and what were the implications of new formulations of Roman identity for the inhabitants of both east and west? How could an empire be Roman when it was, in fact, at war with Rome? How did these issues motivate and shape historical constructions of Constantinople as the New Rome? And how did the idea that a Roman empire could fall influence political rhetoric in Constantinople? In The Politics of Roman Memory, Marion Kruse visits and revisits these questions to explore the process by which the emperors, historians, jurists, antiquarians, and poets of the eastern Roman empire employed both history and mythologized versions of the same to reimagine themselves not merely as Romans but as the only Romans worthy of the name. The Politics of Roman Memory challenges conventional narratives of the transformation of the classical world, the supremacy of Christian identity in late antiquity, and the low literary merit of writers in this period. Kruse reconstructs a coherent intellectual movement in Constantinople that redefined Romanness in a Constantinopolitan idiom through the manipulation of Roman historical memory. Debates over the historical parameters of Romanness drew the attention of figures as diverse as Zosimos—long dismissed as a cranky pagan outlier, but here rehabilitated—and the emperor Justinian, as well as the major authors of Justinian's reign, such as Prokopios, Ioannes Lydos, and Jordanes. Finally, by examining the narratives embedded in Justinian's laws, Kruse demonstrates the importance of historical memory to the construction of imperial authority.
This volume in 15 chapters serves as a useful overview of various significant aspects of the new trends of political participation in Hong Kong. Written by a team of experts who have been astute observers of Hong Kong Politics, the book covers a wide spectrum of topics ranging from a conventional understanding of political participation (e.g., the activities of political parties and interest groups) to a more specialized form of participation (e.g., the relationships between government and legislators in policy-making). The study of the rise of new social movements by the Post-80s generation would be of particular interest to those who are keen to comprehend the sharpening inter-generational differences. There will be a readership among academics and university students. This can also be a valuable reference for the media, policy-makers, or anyone interested in Hong Kong politics. This book is published by City University of Hong Kong Press. 香港城市大學出版社出版。