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In Entrepreneurship and Sustainability the editors and contributors challenge the notion that not-for-profit social entrepreneurship is the only sort that can lead to the alleviation of poverty. Entrepreneurship for profit is not just about the entrepreneur doing well. Entrepreneurs worldwide are leading successful for-profit ventures which contribute to poverty alleviation in their communities. With the challenge of global poverty before them, entrepreneurs continue to develop innovative, business-oriented ventures that deliver promising solutions to this complex and urgent agenda. This book explores how to bring commercial investors together with those who are best placed to reach the poorest customers. With case studies from around the World, the focus of the contributions is on the new breed of entrepreneurs who are blending a profit motive with a desire to make a difference in their communities and beyond borders. A number of the contributions here also recognize that whilst much research has been devoted to poverty alleviation in developing countries, this is only part of the story. Studies in this volume also focus upon enterprise solutions to poverty in pockets of significant deprivation in high-income countries, such as the Appalachia region of the US, in parts of Europe, and the richer Asian countries. Much has been written about the achievements of socially orientated non-profit microfinance institutions. This valuable, academically rigorous but accessible book will help academics, policy makers, and business people consider what the next generation of more commercially orientated banks for the 'bottom billion' might look like.
While extensively explored as a solution to poverty at the base of the pyramid, this is the first in-depth examination of entrepreneurship and the poor within advanced economies. The authors explore the underlying nature of poverty and draw implications for new venture creation. Entrepreneurship is presented as a source of empowerment that represents an alternative pathway out of poverty.
The preponderance of research regards entrepreneurial entry as a dichotomous choice between paid employment and entrepreneurship. Most classic models on the emergence of entrepreneurship either neglect or exclude the opportunity of engaging in both occupations at the same time. This view stands in contrast to increasing evidence that the majority of firm entry around the world occurs by individuals who simultaneously engage in paid employment and self-employment, an entry mode which has been termed hybrid entrepreneurship. 58% of all start-ups in Sweden have been found to be started in hybrid entrepreneurship and even in R&D-pursuing start-ups in Germany, this type of business entry represents 27% of all entrants. Next to this high prevalence of hybrid entrepreneurs among entrepreneurs, there are at least three reasons why these hybrid entrepreneurs should receive more attention. First, as hybrid entrepreneurs are often better educated than pure entrepreneurs, their business ideas might be expected to result in more high-growth ventures. Second, businesses run in pure entrepreneurship survive longer on average if they have been founded in hybrid entrepreneurship. Third, regardless of whether or not hybrid entrepreneurs generate greater economic impact than pure entrepreneurs, their relevance also emerges from their potential to evolve into valuable full-time businesses that otherwise would not have existed. This thesis therefore aims to advance research on hybrid entrepreneurship by revealing its importance for policymaking and entrepreneurship research, the various areas of research touched by it, and its role in entrepreneurial exit processes.
In this hard-hitting polemical Karnani demonstrates what is wrong with today's approaches to reducing poverty. He proposes an eclectic approach to poverty reduction that emphasizes the need for business, government and civil society to partner together to create employment opportunities for the poor.
It is now a decade since Ethiopia started implementing a policy of poverty reduction and eradication. The government's poverty reduction and eradication program stresses the strategic importance of agriculture. The sector, however, is in the hands of millions of peasant producers who depend on traditional methods of cultivation of crops with limited use of green revolution technologies, such as chemical fertilizers.The current package-based agricultural extension service, like its predecessors, uses 'model' farmers to disseminate improved technologies. This group of farmers, because of their entrepreneurial qualities, is expected to positively influence other farmers to adopt improved farming technologies. This research focuses on the entrepreneurial experiences of 'model' farmers in the context of the current agricultural extension package program and their contribution to Ethiopia's poverty reduction efforts by taking the Bure Zuria woreda of the Amhara regional state as case study.
What circumstances or behaviors turn poverty into a cycle that perpetuates across generations? The answer to this question carries especially important implications for the design and evaluation of policies and projects intended to reduce poverty. Yet a major challenge analysts and policymakers face in understanding poverty traps is the sheer number of mechanisms—not just financial, but also environmental, physical, and psychological—that may contribute to the persistence of poverty all over the world. The research in this volume explores the hypothesis that poverty is self-reinforcing because the equilibrium behaviors of the poor perpetuate low standards of living. Contributions explore the dynamic, complex processes by which households accumulate assets and increase their productivity and earnings potential, as well as the conditions under which some individuals, groups, and economies struggle to escape poverty. Investigating the full range of phenomena that combine to generate poverty traps—gleaned from behavioral, health, and resource economics as well as the sociology, psychology, and environmental literatures—chapters in this volume also present new evidence that highlights both the insights and the limits of a poverty trap lens. The framework introduced in this volume provides a robust platform for studying well-being dynamics in developing economies.
Over the past two decades, the percentage of the world’s population living on less than a dollar a day has been cut in half. How much of that improvement is because of—or in spite of—globalization? While anti-globalization activists mount loud critiques and the media report breathlessly on globalization’s perils and promises, economists have largely remained silent, in part because of an entrenched institutional divide between those who study poverty and those who study trade and finance. Globalization and Poverty bridges that gap, bringing together experts on both international trade and poverty to provide a detailed view of the effects of globalization on the poor in developing nations, answering such questions as: Do lower import tariffs improve the lives of the poor? Has increased financial integration led to more or less poverty? How have the poor fared during various currency crises? Does food aid hurt or help the poor? Poverty, the contributors show here, has been used as a popular and convenient catchphrase by parties on both sides of the globalization debate to further their respective arguments. Globalization and Poverty provides the more nuanced understanding necessary to move that debate beyond the slogans.
This case book provides examples of multi-stakeholder partnerships that aim to create sustainable enterprises for both the for-profit sectors and for individuals who live in conditions of poverty. Ideal for teaching, after a brief introduction to the case method, the cases are presented as descriptions with no comments or criticisms. The cases are arranged thematically and cover a broad array of solutions in diverse countries including India, Bangladesh, Vietnam, Tanzania, the United States, South Africa, Mozambique, Peru, Ghana, Haiti,and Mexico. Specific programs for alleviating—or even eradicating—poverty through profitable partnerships come from myriad sectors such as banking, health, education, infrastructure development, environment, and technology. The cases highlight solutions that focus on bringing about substantive shifts in the conditions of life for those living in poverty.​
Global inequality doesn’t just exist; it has been created. More than four billion people—some 60 percent of humanity—live in debilitating poverty, on less than $5 per day. The standard narrative tells us this crisis is a natural phenomenon, having to do with things like climate and geography and culture. It tells us that all we have to do is give a bit of aid here and there to help poor countries up the development ladder. It insists that if poor countries would only adopt the right institutions and economic policies, they could overcome their disadvantages and join the ranks of the rich world. Anthropologist Jason Hickel argues that this story ignores the broader political forces at play. Global poverty—and the growing inequality between the rich countries of Europe and North America and the poor ones of Africa, Asia, and South America—has come about because the global economy has been designed over the course of five hundred years of conquest, colonialism, regime change, and globalization to favor the interests of the richest and most powerful nations. Global inequality is not natural or inevitable, and it is certainly not accidental. To close the divide, Hickel proposes dramatic action rooted in real justice: abolishing debt burdens in the global South, democratizing the institutions of global governance, and rolling out an international minimum wage, among many other vital steps. Only then will we have a chance at a world where all begin on more equal footing.