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Few empirical studies of Arab countries have dealt with political culture and political socialisation or focused on people's beliefs, values, and attitudes towards the government or political leaders, mainly because the regimes have been reluctant to allow opinion to be tested. The significance of this book is that it assesses the influence of state ideology on the new generation of Libyans, and examines their political culture.
Few empirical studies of Arab countries have dealt with political culture and political socialisation or focused on people's beliefs, values, and attitudes towards the government or political leaders, mainly because the regimes have been reluctant to allow opinion to be tested. The significance of this book is that it assesses the influence of state ideology on the new generation of Libyans, and examines their political culture.
The dynamics of religion, tribalism, oil and ideology have always been dominant in Libya, which is trying to establish a new order in the political arena after the Gadhafi regime and NATO intervention. This process, which has had painful side effects and faced various serious difficulties, is carried out with a certain system. This book examines the current political practices of Libya and the state administration process, and to studies the past and present administrative processes that are present in the social and cultural structure of Libyan society.
This thesis examines the impact of the British Military Administration (BMA) onsocial- cultural and political organisations in Libya during the period 1943 to 1951. Thethesis is grounded on a careful reading of secondary literature which has been integratedinto available official documents available in both Arabic and English archival sources,in addition to new oral data generated from interviews. Its main claim to originality liesin the light that these documents throw on our understanding of the BMA's impact oncivil society in Libya.The thesis adopts a case study approach focusing on specific themes to examine theBMA's impact on education, the press (specifically newspapers), and social, culturaland political organisations in Libya. These are viewed as key areas of concern indeveloping states since according to the secondary literature, including press debates atthe time and available archival documentation, these organisations awakened people'sinterest in the right to self determination. It is argued that in addition to the majorpolitical and economic changes that took place in Libya during this period, it was also atime of revitalisation of social, cultural and intellectual activities, both within Libyaitself and in its émigré communities in Egypt and Tunisia. The BMA was characterisedby remarkable developments in education, and also saw unprecedented growth in thepress and in cultural and voluntary organisations. These associations brought togethergroups of individuals to create civil society and provide the basis for the politicalorganisations, which were later to evolve into Libya's first fully fledged politicalparties.The transitional British administration succeeded in building a system that greatlyimproved access to education and educational standards for all throughout Libya, whileat the same time creating an elite cadre of Libyans who would help administer thecountry. During British rule, the press also improved in both quality and quantity. Thediverse range of publications in Arabic that emerged not only played an important rolein covering Libya's journey towards independence but also awakened interest in issuesrelating to national identity. The social, cultural and political associations thatflourished, both at home and abroad, made a major contribution to promoting thisnational movement by helping to create and shape the coherence and consciousness ofLibyans as a nation. The stability that the BMA brought to Libya facilitated the growthof these social and cultural organisations which in turn underpinned the establishmentof the political parties that would eventually assume responsibility for running thenewly independent Libya.The findings of the study show that the BMA in Libya enjoyed considerable success inshaping Libyans' attitudes towards the value of education, press freedom and civilsociety and in preparing Libya for independence. When the British left, the Libyansthey had trained demonstrated their abilities in the fields of education andadministration. While the British inculcated a national consciousness in the Libyans, itwas also clear that Arab nationalism and Pan-Arab unity were also viewed as attractivepolitical alternatives.
An authoritative study of the enduring relevance of tribes in contemporary Iraq and Libya, investigating their complex relationships with state and society.
This book offers a novel, incisive and wide-ranging account of Libya's '17 February Revolution' by tracing how critical towns, communities and political groups helped to shape its course. Each community, whether geographical (e.g. Misrata, Zintan), tribal/communal (e.g. Beni Walid) or political (e.g. the Muslim Brotherhood) took its own path into the uprisings and subsequent conflict of 2011, according to their own histories and relationship to Muammar Qadhafi's regime. The story of each group is told by the authors, based on reportage and expert analysis, from the outbreak of protests in Benghazi in February 2011 through to the transitional period following the end of fighting in October 2011. They describe the emergence of Libya's new politics through the unique stories of those who made it happen, or those who fought against it. The Libyan Revolution and its Aftermath brings together leading journalists, academics, and specialists, each with extensive field experience amidst the constituencies they depict, drawing on interviews with fighters, politicians and civil society leaders who have contributed their own account of events to this volume.
Family remains the most powerful social idiom and one of the most powerful social structures throughout the Arab world. To engender love of nation among its citizens, national movements portray the nation as a family. To motivate loyalty, political leaders frame themselves as fathers, mothers, brothers, or sisters to their clients, parties, or the citizenry. To stimulate production, economic actors evoke the sense of duty and mutual commitment of family obligation. To sanctify their edicts, clerics wrap religion in the moralities of family and family in the moralities of religion. Social and political movements, from the most secular to the most religious, pull on the tender strings of family love to recruit and bind their members to each other. To call someone family is to offer them almost the highest possible intimacy, loyalty, rights, reciprocities, and dignity. In recognizing the significance of the concept of family, this state-of-the-art literature review captures the major theories, methods, and case studies carried out on Arab families over the past century. The book offers a country-by-country critical assessment of the available scholarship on Arab families. Sixteen chapters focus on specific countries or groups of countries; seven chapters offer examinations of the literature on key topical issues. Joseph’s volume provides an indispensable resource to researchers and students, and advances Arab family studies as a critical independent field of scholarship.