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This Selected Issues paper examines the underlying causes of the Central African Republic’s “fragility trap” and sheds light on factors linked to building resilience. The persist fragility in the Central African Republic can be attributed to several factors: lack of political cohesion and state weakness that led to protracted political crises and conflicts, weak capacity and poor commitment to building economic institutions, and the inability to generate or appropriately use fiscal buffers. The findings underscore the need for promoting peaceful and inclusive societies; strong international support; and building effective, accountable, and inclusive institutions—especially fiscal institutions—as a foundation for building resilience in the Central African Republic’s exit from fragility.
This report provides background on the evolving political, security, and humanitarian crisis in the Central African Republic (CAR), which began when a fractious rebel coalition seized control of the central government in March 2013. The report also describes U.S. policy responses and analyzes possible issues for Congress, including oversight of U.S. humanitarian assistance and support for international stabilization efforts in CAR.
The papers in the collection are divided into two main areas: nation building and regional integration: problems and prospects; and the ?weird wind of democratisation and governance'. Some examples of topics covered are: the effects of the foreign debt burden on saving ratios in the CEMAC Zone; the Nepad initiative as a basis for fostering economic recovery in the CEMAC Zone; foreign states? elites and the DRC conflicts 1997- 2002; traumas, memories and ?modern? politics in Central Africa; and human rights abuses in the Central Africa sub-region: the case of children.
Today's hearing is not being called an emergency hearing, but it could very well be, because since we first decided to hold a hearing to spotlight the human rights situation in the Central African Republic, the situation has deteriorated even further, so that today the country is on the verge of a humanitarian catastrophe. Coups and dictatorships have characterized the Central African Republic since its independence in 1960, but the current crisis is far more dangerous than what has come before. Consider this, in a country of approximately 5 million people, roughly 1.1 million citizens face serious food insecurity. Some 460,000 CAR nationals are displaced, including 64,000 who have fled to neighboring countries as refugees and nearly 400,000 who are internally displaced. This is because there has been a complete breakdown of law and order in the country following the ouster of President Francois Bozize in March of 2013.
In March 2013, the ex-Seleka's seizure of power was the final chapter in the gradual but inevitable collapse of the Central African Republic (CAR) state. Since the start of 2015, conflict has become the routine and manifests itself in deadly intercommunal reprisals, the establishment of Muslim enclaves in the west of the country, a combat zone in the centre of the country and the emergence of chronic banditry. In a context of high intercommunal tension and the lack of national cohesion, the Bangui Forum, held in May 2015, aimed to be the first stage in a genuine process of reconciliation. However, several armed groups have rejected the disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) agreement. The Republican Pact itself, which lays down the principles of a new regime, reads like a catalogue of good intentions. This report is the product of research conducted in CAR, Kenya, Chad, France, Belgium and the U.S. It analyses the two main protagonists in the CAR crisis (the armed groups and the armed communities) and describes the complex mechanisms and communal nature of the conflict. As CAR seems to be in a "no war no peace" situation, this report proposes a different approach to the task of neutralising these armed groups and avoiding a further increase in intercommunal tension in the run-up to the elections.
Central African Republic Governance and Political Conflict. The ongoing presidential and legislative elections in the Central African Republic (CAR) look set to produce a new government in early 2016. The foremost responsibility of the country's elected leaders and the Central African people will be to stop the violence that has beset the country since the Seleka rebel coalition's coup in 2013 and build the foundations of lasting peace. Since the coup the transitional government, civil society and international partners have launched diverse initiatives to begin the peacebuilding process at the national and local levels, and they have made some gains. Relatively peaceful elections are testament to this. To prevent a backslide, all stakeholders need to learn from their own and others' efforts and address both the drivers and long-term underlying causes of the crisis. This Book has the complete information on Central African Republic
Congress has held hearings, appropriated aid funds, and conducted oversight in response to the situation in the Central African Republic (CAR), which has experienced state collapse and conflict since a rebel movement known as the Seleka seized control of the government in 2013. Despite a post-rebellion political transition culminating in the 2016 inauguration of a new president, Faustin Archange Touadera (a former Prime Minister who ran as an independent), security and humanitarian conditions have deteriorated. The European Union (EU), U.N., Russia, and the United States are providing support to the national military (the FACA), but state security forces remain weak and dogged by a history of abuses and militia infiltration. Competitions over mineral resources, cattle migration routes, and trade have been key drivers of conflict. Armed groups control much of the country, despite donorbacked efforts to extend state authority. In February 2019, the government and 14 armed groups signed a peace accord brokered by the African Union (AU) in Khartoum, Sudan. The new agreement-the eighth since 2013-calls for a unity government, demobilization of non-state combatants, and the creation of interim mixed security units comprising security forces and former rebels. Several groups threatened immediately to withdraw from the accord, prompting questions over its durability and impact. Prospects for full implementation-which arguably would require that armed groups relinquish control of lucrative economic interests- are tenuous. Few drivers of grassroots-level conflict have been addressed. Much of the violence in CAR has played out along ethnic and sectarian lines, driven by tensions over identity, citizenship, and exclusion. The Seleka was led by largely Muslim combatants with ties to CAR's remote northeast, and to neighboring Sudan and Chad, drawing support from communities that some in CAR view as foreign. Christianand animist-led "anti-balaka" ("anti-machete" or "antibullet") militias formed to fight the Seleka, but ultimately targeted Muslims in general. CAR's population was about 15% Muslim and 85% Christian or animist, but anti-balaka attacks in 2013-2014 forced much of the Muslim population in the south, center, and west to gather in small enclaves or flee to other countries or the rebel-held northeast-a pattern U.N. investigators termed "ethnic cleansing." Rebel alliances have since shifted as groups have sought to gain leverage in peace talks and advance their economic interests. Some coalitions have bridged sectarian divides, underscoring the extent to which social cleavages have been instrumentalized during the conflict. Notably, some antibalaka groups have collaborated with some ex-Seleka factions to target members of the (mostly Muslim and pastoralist) Fulani ethnic community. Several Fulani-led armed groups have emerged in response.