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A people in need of quick modernization and mainstreaming, or a powerful defense against the advancing march of capitalist growth---these are the two most prominent and stereotypical images of Adivasis in contemporary India, and both do grave injustice to the ground realities. The category Scheduled Tribes, which is purely an administrative category, and does not reflect the immense diversity among the 500 different communities of tribals in India, comprising 8.6 per cent of Indias population, has acquired over a period of time, a distinct political and discursive salience. This collection of essays, divided in three parts, brings together a range of predominantly sociological and anthropological but broadly social science writing that reflects on and illuminates the jungle of dilemmas and conflicts that the scheduled tribes face as they navigate their way through everyday life. It highlights the enormity of social, cultural, linguistic, and politico-economic diversity among the so-called Scheduled Tribes in India, and aims to provide an intellectual platform for an engagement between the scheduled tribes and their India, as also to map the state of current sociological/anthropological writing and debate on the scheduled tribes.
This volume in the People of India project is a systematic account of India's 461 tribal communities. It is also contains a list of the Scheduled Tribes.
This encyclopaedia work in five volumes covers all related and relevant information about the scheduled tribes in India. The comprehensive, exclusive and exhaustive work will be an invaluable reference tool for scholars, researchers, planners, administrator, policy makers, govt. official and the others.
Ethnological study.
In We Were Adivasis, anthropologist Megan Moodie examines the Indian state’s relationship to “Scheduled Tribes,” or adivasis—historically oppressed groups that are now entitled to affirmative action quotas in educational and political institutions. Through a deep ethnography of the Dhanka in Jaipur, Moodie brings readers inside the creative imaginative work of these long-marginalized tribal communities. She shows how they must simultaneously affirm and refute their tribal status on a range of levels, from domestic interactions to historical representation, by relegating their status to the past: we were adivasis. Moodie takes readers to a diversity of settings, including households, tribal council meetings, and wedding festivals, to reveal the aspirations that are expressed in each. Crucially, she demonstrates how such aspiration and identity-building are strongly gendered, requiring different dispositions required of men and women in the pursuit of collective social uplift. The Dhanka strategy for occupying the role of adivasi in urban India comes at a cost: young women must relinquish dreams of education and employment in favor of community-sanctioned marriage and domestic life. Ultimately, We Were Adivasis explores how such groups negotiate their pasts to articulate different visions of a yet uncertain future in the increasingly liberalized world.
This is the first book that documents poverty systematically for the world's indigenous peoples in developing regions in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. The volume compiles results for roughly 85 percent of the world's indigenous peoples. It draws on nationally representative data to compare trends in countries' poverty rates and other social indicators with those for indigenous sub-populations and provides comparable data for a wide range of countries all over the world. It estimates global poverty numbers and analyzes other important development indicators, such as schooling, health, and social protection. Provocatively, the results show a marked difference in results across regions, with rapid poverty reduction among indigenous (and non-indigenous) populations in Asia contrasting with relative stagnation - and in some cases falling back - in Latin America and Africa. Two main factors motivate the book. First, there is a growing concern among poverty analysts worldwide that countries with significant vulnerable populations - such as indigenous peoples - may not meet the Millennium Development Goals, and thus there exists a consequent need for better data tracking conditions among these groups. Second, there is a growing call by indigenous organizations, including the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Peoples, for solid, disaggregated data analyzing the size and causes of the "development gap."
Ethnological study.
Covers a wide range of research articles on various aspects of tribal and indigenous communities of India.