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Traders, Pushers, Soldiers, Spies. A pivot for India’s Act-East policy. The gateway to a future of immense possibilities from hydrocarbons to regional trade over land and water that could create a new Silk Route. A bulwark against China. A cradle of climate change dynamics and migration. ‘Northeast’ India, the appellation with which India’s far-east is known, is all this and more. Alongside hope and aspiration, it is also home to immense ethnic and communal tension, and a decades-old Naga conflict and the high-profile peace process that involves four gateway states—Nagaland, Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh and Assam—and several million people. It’s among the most militarized zones in the world. It’s a playground of corruption and engineered violence. Only real peace, and calm in both Myanmar and Bangladesh, will unlock this Eastern gate. A keen observer and frequent chronicler of the region, Sudeep Chakravarti has for several years offered exclusive insights into the Machiavellian—Chanakyan—world of the Naga and other conflicts and various attempts to resolve these. He now melds the skills of a journalist, analyst, historian and ethnographer to offer inside stories and a ringside view to the tortuous, no-holds-barred attempts at resolving conflict. Employing a ‘dispatches’ style of storytelling, and interviews with rebel leaders, politicians, bureaucrats, policymakers, security specialists and operatives, gunrunners, ‘narcos’, peace negotiators and community leaders, Chakravarti’s narrative provides a definitive guide to the transition from war to peace, even as he keeps a firm gaze on the future. The Eastern Gate is a tour de force that captures this story of our times.
"This book presents a critical and analytical account of Naga politics examining the factors involved in gimmickry of Naga politics right from the arrival of the British in the land of the Nagas till date [sic]. It also investigates into the events and affairs related to working of democratic processes in Nagaland and efforts of the political and public leaders including the church authorities to resolve the Naga issue and make the Naga peace stable"--Dust jacket.
The book - "Narendra Modi And Naga Peace Accord" - is one of the most current Indo-Naga political development stories. It had briefly given how the Naga political movement began since a few educated Naga people submitted a Memorandum to the Simon Commission in 1929, and then the bold declaration of the Naga Independence on 14 August 1947 by the Naga leaders under the banner of the Naga National Council (NNC). The NNC leaders had done this after Indian leaders' unresponsive attitudes to their wanting to live as a free Nation. Whether one likes it or not, the decision of NNC leaders at that point of time in declaring the "Naga Independence" on 14 August 1947 became politically "historic and landmark." Till today, various Naga groups are observing the "Naga Independence Day" with great pride and honor. And the Government of India or for that matter the State Government of Nagaland has not prevented them so far from observing the "Naga Independence Day" in various Naga places. There were various occasions where many Naga leaders both overground and underground tried to solve the Naga political issue. Overground Naga leaders initiated process and even contacted NNC supremo, AZ Phizo at London. Several correspondences between many Nagaland politicians including Dr SC Jamir and Phizo were there. The emergence of Naga People's Convention (NPC) had changed the course of Naga history as they were responsible for the birth of a full-fledged Statehood of Nagaland in 1963. In the following year in 1964, ceasefire was declared between the Government of India and Federal Government of Nagaland (FGN) through the initiative of NBCC. Subsequently, talks were held for finding settlement to the Indo-Naga issue. The talks collapsed after six rounds. Then the Shillong Accord came in 1975. This Accord had done maximum damage to NNC. The immediate fallout of this Accord could be seen by the formation of another Naga underground group - National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) in 1980. After about a decade, the NSCN got split into two in 1988 - one headed by Isak Chishi Swu and Th Muivah and the other by SS Khaplang and Dally Mungro. Following the split, hundreds of Naga underground cadres and high functionaries lost their precious lives due to factionalism. Sadly, it went on in large scale even after the Government of India's ceasefires with NSCN (IM) and NSCN (K). As far as the current status of the Naga political negotiation is concerned, solution to the extremely complicated Naga issue might come in anytime. The Government of India has already expressed "optimism" that solution to Naga issue will be arrived at soon. Soon after Narendra Modi became the Prime Minister of India, the political pundits in the Northeast began to think that some kind of political solution to the Naga political issue might come soon. Because Modi's style of dealing with the Naga issue is different than his predecessors. He allows Interlocutor, RN Ravi, to take decision on the Naga issue, although the contents of the "Framework Agreement" signed between the Government of India and NSCN (IM) on 3 August 2015 at Delhi is yet to be known. This book has been written mainly on the Prime Minister Modi's initiative to settle the Naga issue and hence named - "Narendra Modi and Naga Peace Accord." It is hoped that readers will find interest in it.
In recent decades, the states in the northeast of India have been home to a number of protracted violent conflicts. And while the role of women's movements in responding to conflict and violence tend to be marginalized both by the media and by scholarship, they have played a crucial role in attempts to strengthen civil society and bring peace to the region. This collection offers a close look at the successes and failures of those efforts, adding important insight into ongoing debates on gender and political change in societies affected by conflict. At the same time, the book takes a fresh, critical look at universalist feminist and interventionist biases that have tended to see peace processes as windows of opportunity for women's empowerment while ignoring the complexity of gender relations during conflict.
The second volume in the South Asian Peace Studies series, Peace Processes and Peace Accords looks at the political question of peace from three perspectives: the process of peace; the contentious issues involved in the peace process; and the ideologies that come in conflict in this process. Arguing that peace is not a one-time event to be achieved and rejoiced over but a matter to be sustained against various odds, the contributors show that the sustainability of peace depends on a foundation of rights, justice and democracy. Peace accords, they maintain, are only a moment in the process--the very act of signing an accord could mark either a continuation of the same conflict, or simply its metamorphosis. Therefore, as this volume shows, `negotiation` should be redefined as `joint problem-solving` on a long-term sustained basis, rather than `one-off hard bargaining`.
Government of Peace addresses a major question in world politics today: how does post-colonial democracy produce a form of governance that copes with conflicts, insurgencies, revolts, and acute dissents? The contributors view social governance as a crucial component in answering this question and their narratives of governance aim to show how certain appropriate governing modes make social conflicts more manageable or at least also occasions for development. They show how government often expands to cope with acute conflicts; money is made more readily available; the transfer of resources acquires frantic pace; and so society becomes more attuned to a money-centric, modern life. Yet this style of governance is not the only approach. Dialogues from below challenge this accepted path to peacebuilding and new subjectivities emerge from movements for social justice by women, migrants, farmers, dalits, low-caste, and other subaltern groups. The idea of a government of peace sits at the core of the interlinked issues of social governance, peace-building, and security. By exploring this idea and analysing the Indian experience of insurgencies and internal conflicts the contributors collectively show how rules of social governance can and have evolved.
An immensely valuable and revealing book about the decades-long Naga national movement, containing interviews with leaders, ideologues and soldiers that have never been published before. This first-of-its-kind book tells the story of the Naga national movement from the inside. Based on extensive interviews of the Naga nationalists, conducted in the late 1990s in Bangkok, Kathmandu, Dimapur and Delhi, it explains why the Indo-Naga conflict has lasted more than seven decades, and why successive prime ministers of India, from Jawaharlal Nehru to Narendra Modi, have personally met the Naga leaders and tried to resolve the conflict. In Kuknalim, leaders and members of ten Naga tribes spread across India and Myanmar speak directly to the reader about their childhood experiences, reasons for joining the armed struggle, and their personal triumphs and tragedies. They recount their journeys from small impoverished mountain villages through the jungles of Myanmar to China--from where they carried back arms to fight for an independent Nagaland--and finally the journey to the negotiating table. These stories relate to the period of the Naga movement from World War II to 1997, when Naga nationalists under the NSCN (IM) entered into a ceasefire agreement with the Indian state and began peace talks. And in the introduction to the book and the different sections in it, the authors also write about subsequent events, besides providing the political context for each interview. A groundbreaking work, Kuknalim offers invaluable insights into the world of Naga insurgency and its geo-political significance. Without asking the reader to agree or disagree with the people and movement it profiles, the book also examines complex questions of identity politics; the role of religion in nationalism; and the sentiments that drive men and women to take up arms and endure extreme hardship in pursuit of their dreams.