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Panchayats are local governments mandated in the Constitution of India. As per the Constitution, a three-tier structure of panchayats is in place across the country, excepting areas where Part IX of the Constitution does not apply. Panchayats are to be instituted, through elections every five years, except in States with a population of less than 20 lakh, where panchayats at two tiers may be created. The Constitution recognizes the gram sabha, i.e. all the electors in a village panchayat. The Constitution provides that seats and offices of chairpersons be reserved for scheduled castes (SCs) and scheduled tribes (STs) in proportion to their respective population, and not less than one-third seats and offices of the chairpersons be reserved for women, including within the SC and ST reservations. Women's increased political participation has yielded positive results. Issues central to development-including health, nutrition, family income and education-have taken center stage as women participate in panchayati raj institutions (PRIs), village development boards, and other governance structures. India has primarily relied upon this method of reservation to ensure women's presence in decision-making bodies. This has increased de jure, but not necessarily de facto, participation. There is a need to encourage women's participation in other kinds of groups and associations which contribute to an atmosphere of leadership by women. This book discusses the background and future possibilities of women and PRIs. [Subject: Gender Studies, India Studies, Constitutional Studies]
Study conducted in Samastīpur District of Bihar, India.
Study with special reference to Haryana, India.
Unveiling Women's Leadership provides a penetrating insight into the world of Indian woman leaders. The book unravels the unique challenges facing the Indian woman leader who has to juggle several challenges including patriarchy, the caste system, harassment, and society's expectation that she ought to fit snugly into stereotypical roles.
This text analyzes the social-political, cultural, educational, economic and other constraints standing in the way of women's participation in panchyati raj institutions in the state of West Bengal, India.
Since the mid-1980s, the presence of women in governance has become a major marker of successful democracy in global and national discourses on the democratization of society. A diverse set of nation-states have legislatively mandated gender quotas to ensure the presence of elected women representatives (EWRs) in various rungs of governance. Since 1993, the Indian state has legislated a massive program of democratization and decentralization. As a result, more than 1.5 million EWRs have taken office within the lower rungs of governance or the Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRI). This book is an ethnography of the Indian state and its policy of legislated entry of women into political life. It argues that political participation of women is necessary to change the political practices in society, to make institutions more gender, class and caste representative, and to empower individual women to negotiate both formal and informal institutions. Its locus is the everyday life contexts of EWRs in the southern Indian state of Karnataka who negotiate their own meanings of politics, state, society, empowerment and political subjectivity. Analysing three factors – structural boundaries, sociocultural divisions and conjunctural limitations imposed on the participation of EWRs by political parties – the book demonstrates that the social embeddedness of PRIs within everyday practices and social relations of identity and power severely constrain and shape the political participation and empowerment of EWRs. Providing a valuable insight into contemporary state and feminist praxis in India, this book will be of interest to scholars of grass-roots democracy, gender studies and Asian politics.
Today One Of The Issues Of Concern Is The Level Of Women'S Participation In Political Life. In This Context Reservation Seats Is One Of The Instrument Of Political Empowerment For Women. Karnataka Has Been The First State To Introduce The Policy Of Reservation In The Panchayati Raj Institutions. It Is In This Context That The Study Had Been Taken Up And It Intended To Touch Upon Various Aspects Of Women'S Functioning In The Panchayati Raj Institutions Andits Impacts On The Overall Development Of Wormen Especially In The Rural Areas.
Contributed articles.
At a time when disillusion with neo-liberal development nostrums is mounting, alternative models of development are being revisited. Kerala's 30 million people may not have experienced rapid growth in GDP per capita, but they have for the past several decades achieved a remarkable social record in terms of adult literacy, infant mortality, life expectancy, stabilising population growth, and narrowing gender and spatial gaps.What are the implications of the disjuncture between human development and economic growth? What are the political, social and cultural factors responsible for Kerala's success? Does its human development record necessarily relate to sustainability in environmental terms? How inclusive has the Kerala model been, particularly for the fishing community and other socially marginalised groups?Can the new people's campaign for decentralised development from below make Kerala's development experience more enduring? What realistic view can be taken of its replicability elsewhere in India or further afield in the South? These are among the most important questions explored in this timely reassessment.
Women’s self-help groups (SHGs) have increasingly been used as a vehicle for social, political, and economic empowerment as well as a platform for service delivery. Although a growing body of literature shows evidence of positive impacts of SHGs on various measures of empowerment, our understanding of ways in which SHGs improve awareness and use of public services is limited. To fill this knowledge gap, this paper first examines how SHG membership is associated with political participation, awareness, and use of government entitlement schemes. It further examines the effect of SHG membership on various measures of social networks and mobility. Using data collected in 2015 across five Indian states and matching methods to correct for endogeneity of SHG membership, we find that SHG members are more politically engaged. We also find that SHG members are not only more likely to know of certain public entitlements than non-members, they are significantly more likely to avail of a greater number of public entitlement schemes. Additionally, SHG members have wider social networks and greater mobility as compared to non-members. Our results suggest that SHGs have the potential to increase their members’ ability to hold public entities accountable and demand what is rightfully theirs. An important insight, however, is that the SHGs themselves cannot be expected to increase knowledge of public entitlement schemes in absence of a deliberate effort to do so by an external agency.