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A substantial proportion of what is discoverable about the structure of the hundreds of Aboriginal languages that were spoken on the vast Australian continent before their post-colonial demise, is contained in nineteenth-century grammars. Many were written by fervent young missionaries who traversed the globe intent on describing the languages spoken by heathens, whom they hoped to convert to Christianity. Some of these documents, written before Australian academic institutions expressed any interest in Aboriginal languages, are the sole relics of languages spoken by the people who successfully occupied Australia. This history of the early description of Australian Aboriginal languages traces a developing understanding and ability to describe Australian morphosyntax. The corpus of early grammatical descriptions written between 1834 and 1910 is identified in Chapter 1. Chapter 2 discusses the philological methodology of retrieving data from these grammars. Chapters 3-9 consider the grammars in roughly chronological order, commencing with those written in the earliest-established Australian colony of New South Wales: L.Threlkeld, 1834 (Chapter 3), and W.Günther, 1838 and 1840 (Chapter 4). Chapters 5-9 investigates the large body of grammars of languages spoken in South Australia: C.G.Teichelmann & C.W.Schürmann 1840 (Chapter 5), H.A.E.Meyer 1843 (Chapter 6), C.W.Schürmann 1844 and M.Moorhouse 1846 (Chapter 7), grammars of Diyari (Chapter 8,) and grammars of Arrernte (Chapter 9). Analyses made by other corpus grammarians are discussed throughout these chapters, by way of comparison, notably: C.Symmons (1841), G.Taplin (1867;1872[1870];1874;1878), W.Ridley (1875[1866;1855a];1855b;1856b), H.Livingstone (1892), W.E.Roth (1897;1901), and R.H.Mathews' analyses of some of the many languages he described. Some material is presented as appendices. Appendix 1 examines the context in which grammars of languages spoken in New South Wales and Queensland were written. G.Taplin's (1867;1872[1870];1874;1878) grammars of Ngarrindjeri are examined more closely in Appendix 2. By focussing on grammatical structures that challenged the classically-trained grammarians: the description of the case systems, of ergativity, and of bound pronouns, Chapters 3-9 of this historiographical investigation identify the provenance of analyses, and of descriptive techniques, thus identifying paths of intellectual descent. The extent to which missionary-grammarians, posted across far-flung regions of the country, were aware of each others' materials has not previously been well understood. Three schools of descriptive practice are shown to have developed in the pre-academic era. The earliest, instigated by L.E Threlkeld (1834) (Chapter 3), is found to have been less influential than previously assumed (Carey 2004:264-269). Two later descriptive schools are identified, one spawned by W.E.Roth's grammar of Pitta-Pitta (1897), and the other by Teichelmann & Schürmann (1840) in the earliest grammar of a language spoken in South Australia. The strength and duration of the school which was inspired by Teichelmann & Schürmann and which was dominated by South Australian Lutheran missionaries is further demonstrated through examination of the description of processes of clause subordination (Chapter 10). By studying the type of analyses characteristically generated when the European classical descriptive framework was applied to Australian grammatical structures, or the nature of the 'looking glass' through which Australian morpho-syntactic structures were observed, this thesis refines a philological methodology of extracting morphosyntactic data from antique grammatical records.
A substantial proportion of what is discoverable about the structure of many Aboriginal languages spoken on the vast Australian continent before their decimation through colonial invasion is contained in nineteenth-century grammars. Many were written by fervent young missionaries who traversed the globe intent on describing the languages spoken by “heathens”, whom they hoped to convert to Christianity. Some of these documents, written before Australian or international academic institutions expressed any interest in Aboriginal languages, are the sole record of some of the hundreds of languages spoken by the first Australians, and many are the most comprehensive. These grammars resulted from prolonged engagement and exchange across a cultural and linguistic divide that is atypical of other early encounters between colonised and colonisers in Australia. Although the Aboriginal contributors to the grammars are frequently unacknowledged and unnamed, their agency is incontrovertible. This history of the early description of Australian Aboriginal languages traces a developing understanding and ability to describe Australian morphosyntax. Focus on grammatical structures that challenged the classically trained missionary-grammarians – the description of the case systems, ergativity, bound pronouns, and processes of clause subordination – identifies the provenance of analyses, development of descriptive techniques, and paths of intellectual descent. The corpus of early grammatical description written between 1834 and 1910 is identified in Chapter 1. Chapter 2 discusses the philological methodology of retrieving data from these grammars. Chapters 3–10 consider the grammars in an order determined both by chronology and by the region in which the languages were spoken, since colonial borders regulated the development of the three schools of descriptive practice that are found to have developed in the pre-academic era of Australian linguistic description.
Warlpiri is a Pama-Nyungan language (Ngarrka group) spo ken by over 3,000 people in Central Australia. Neighbour ing languages (all Pama-Nyungan) include its closest relatives, Warlmanpa and Ngardily, to the north-east and west respec tively, Warumungu (Warumungic) and the Arandic languages, Kaytetye and Alyawarr, to the east, the Western Desert lan guages, Pintupi and Kukatja, to the south and west respectively, the Ngumbin language Jaru to the north-west, the Arandic lan guage, Anmatyerre, to the south-east, and the Ngumbin lan guages, Gurindji and Mudburra, to the north. Warlpiri country encompasses a huge area of semi-desert stretching west of Tennant Creek to the Western Australian border. For the Warlpiri, this country is filled with meaning. Jukurrpa (often translated as 'Dreaming') beings travel across it, creating and changing the landscape in their passing. Songs, dances, painting, stories and journeys celebrate the jukurrpa and the country. The Warlpiri language is also from the jukurrpa; it is the language spoken by the jukurrpa beings on their travels through Warlpiri country.
The essays in this volume address a core question regarding the structure of linguistic systems: how much access do the grammatical components - syntax, morphology and phonology - have to each other? The book's fifteen essays make a powerful argument in favor of a particular view of the interaction of these various components, shedding light on the nature of locality domains for allomorph selection, the morphosyntactic properties of the targets of phonological exponence, and adjudicating between competing theories of morphosyntaxphonology interaction. These words incorporate insights from recent theoretical developments such as Optimality Theory and Distributed Morphology, and insights made available to us by contemporary empirical methodologies, including field work and experimental and corpus-based quantitative work.
A substantial proportion of what is discoverable about the structure of many Aboriginal languages spoken on the vast Australian continent before their decimation through colonial invasion is contained in nineteenth-century grammars. Many were written by fervent young missionaries who traversed the globe intent on describing the languages spoken by “heathens”, whom they hoped to convert to Christianity. Some of these documents, written before Australian or international academic institutions expressed any interest in Aboriginal languages, are the sole record of some of the hundreds of languages spoken by the first Australians, and many are the most comprehensive. These grammars resulted from prolonged engagement and exchange across a cultural and linguistic divide that is atypical of other early encounters between colonised and colonisers in Australia. Although the Aboriginal contributors to the grammars are frequently unacknowledged and unnamed, their agency is incontrovertible. This history of the early description of Australian Aboriginal languages traces a developing understanding and ability to describe Australian morphosyntax. Focus on grammatical structures that challenged the classically trained missionary-grammarians – the description of the case systems, ergativity, bound pronouns, and processes of clause subordination – identifies the provenance of analyses, development of descriptive techniques, and paths of intellectual descent. The corpus of early grammatical description written between 1834 and 1910 is identified in Chapter 1. Chapter 2 discusses the philological methodology of retrieving data from these grammars. Chapters 3–10 consider the grammars in an order determined both by chronology and by the region in which the languages were spoken, since colonial borders regulated the development of the three schools of descriptive practice that are found to have developed in the pre-academic era of Australian linguistic description.
This book presents a new cross-linguistic analysis of gender and its effects on morphosyntax. It addresses questions including the syntactic location of gender features; the role of natural gender; and the relationship between syntactic gender features and the morphological realization of gender. Ruth Kramer argues that gender features are syntactically located on the n head ('little n'), which serves to nominalize category-neutral roots. Those gender features are either interpretable, as in the case of natural gender, or uninterpretable, like the gender of an inanimate noun in Spanish. Adopting Distributed Morphology, the book lays out how the gender features on n map onto the gender features relevant for morphological exponence. The analysis is supported by an in-depth case study of Amharic, which poses challenges for previous gender analyses and provides clear support for gender on n. The proposals generate a typology of two- and three-gender systems, with the various types illustrated using data from a genetically diverse set of languages. Finally, further evidence for gender being on n is provided from case studies of Somali and Romanian, as well as from the relationship between gender and other linguistic phenomena including derived nouns and declension class. Overall, the book provides one of the first large-scale, cross-linguistically-oriented, theoretical approaches to the morphosyntax of gender.
Warlpiri is a Pama-Nyungan language (Ngarrka group) spo ken by over 3,000 people in Central Australia. Neighbour ing languages (all Pama-Nyungan) include its closest relatives, Warlmanpa and Ngardily, to the north-east and west respec tively, Warumungu (Warumungic) and the Arandic languages, Kaytetye and Alyawarr, to the east, the Western Desert lan guages, Pintupi and Kukatja, to the south and west respectively, the Ngumbin language Jaru to the north-west, the Arandic lan guage, Anmatyerre, to the south-east, and the Ngumbin lan guages, Gurindji and Mudburra, to the north. Warlpiri country encompasses a huge area of semi-desert stretching west of Tennant Creek to the Western Australian border. For the Warlpiri, this country is filled with meaning. Jukurrpa (often translated as 'Dreaming') beings travel across it, creating and changing the landscape in their passing. Songs, dances, painting, stories and journeys celebrate the jukurrpa and the country. The Warlpiri language is also from the jukurrpa; it is the language spoken by the jukurrpa beings on their travels through Warlpiri country.
Syncretism - where a single form serves two or more morphosyntactic functions - is a persistent problem at the syntax-morphology interface. It results from a 'mismatch' whereby the syntax of a language makes a particular distinction but the morphology does not. This pioneering book provides a full-length study of inflectional syncretism, presenting a typology of its occurrence across a wide range of languages. The implications of syncretism for the syntax-morphology interface have long been recognised: it argues either for an enriched model of feature structure (thereby preserving a direct link between function and form), or for the independence of morphological structure from syntactic structure. This book presents a compelling argument for the autonomy of morphology and the resulting analysis is illustrated in a series of formal case studies within Network Morphology. It will be welcomed by all linguists interested in the relation between words and the larger units of which they are a part.
This volume offers a Lexical-Functional Grammar (LFG) analysis of the morphosyntax of Barayin, a Chadic language spoken by about 6000 people in the Guera region of Chad. The core chapters of the book draw on rich empirical data to provide analyses of the basic clause, noun phrases, verb phrases, and serial verb constructions. The version of LFG adopted here includes two recent innovations: the first is minimal c-structure, which results in simpler phrase structure representations; the second is the assumption that glue semantics accounts for argument selection, rejecting the need for a level of a-structure or for Completeness and Coherence in f-structure. Argument sharing in serial verb constructions can thus be modeled in a connected s-structure. This method of modeling semantic composition in complex predicates is extended to directional and associated motion complex predicates in Choctaw and Wambaya, removing the need to appeal to a special mechanism to unite semantic forms in such constructions.