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This is the first comprehensive biography in any language of Russia's leading statesman in the period following the Revolution of 1905. Prime Minister and Minister of Internal Affairs from 1906 to 1911, when he was assassinated, in post-1905 Russia P. A. Stolypin was virtually the only man who seemed to have a clear notion of how to reform the socioeconomic and political system of the empire.
In A Reluctant Parliament, noted historian Alexandra S. Korros deftly explores the organization and operation of the Russian Empire's State Council in the wake of the 1905 revolution. Korros dismisses the traditional interpretation that the State Council was a monolithic opponent to reform and focuses on the complex political maneuvering between those of its members anxious to make the legislative chambers work, and those determined to turn Russia away from the path of constitutional monarchy. Based on extensive research on primary sources-many of which have not been previously examined--A Reluctant Parliament is an important new addition to the field of Russian History.
Focusing on the role of the landowning gentry in the First Russian Revolution of 1905-1907, Roberta Manning explores the complex relationship between this traditional social and political elite and the imperial Russian government in the period between the abolition of serfdom and the February Revolution of 1917. In contrast to the commonly accepted view that the 1905 Revolution significantly expanded the circle of people involved in government, Professor Manning argues that the gentry became Russia's dominant political force after the 1907 coup d'etat. Overwhelmed after Emancipation by economic crisis and a devastating erosion of their role in government service, the gentry utilized the revitalized assemblies of the nobility and the newly founded zemstvos first to agitate for and then to dominate the representative institutions created by the 1905 Revolution. Through a vast array of primary sources, Professor Manning considers the acquisitions and consequences of the gentry's augmented political role and presents an updated account of the peasant rebellions of 1905-1907 and their impact on the gentry. Included is a brilliant portrayal of P.A. Stolypin, the period's most gifted gentry statesman, and of the defeat, accomplished with the aid of gentry pressure groups, of his reform program, the last comprehensive effort to restructure the political order of Imperial Russia. Studies of this period of Russian history have generally focused on the dramatic confrontation between the Old Regime and its revolutionary adversaries. Here Professor Manning illuminates the equally fateful conflicts within the Russian upper classes. Roberta Thompson Manning is Associate Professor at Boston College. Studies of the Russian Institute, Columbia University. Originally published in 1983. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.
This book describes the history of Jews in Kiev from the tenth century to the February 1917 Revolution. At the turn of the twentieth century, the Kiev Jewish community was one of the largest and wealthiest in the Russian Empire. This book illuminates the major processes and events in Kievan Jewish history, including the creation of the Jewish community, the expulsions of Jews from the city, government persecution and Jewish pogroms, the Beilis Affair, the participation of Jews in the political, economic, and cultural life of Kiev, and their contribution to the development of the city.
In Children of Rus', Faith Hillis recovers an all but forgotten chapter in the history of the tsarist empire and its southwestern borderlands. The right bank, or west side, of the Dnieper River—which today is located at the heart of the independent state of Ukraine—was one of the Russian empire’s last territorial acquisitions, annexed only in the late eighteenth century. Yet over the course of the long nineteenth century, this newly acquired region nearly a thousand miles from Moscow and St. Petersburg generated a powerful Russian nationalist movement. Claiming to restore the ancient customs of the East Slavs, the southwest’s Russian nationalists sought to empower the ordinary Orthodox residents of the borderlands and to diminish the influence of their non-Orthodox minorities.Right-bank Ukraine would seem unlikely terrain to nourish a Russian nationalist imagination. It was among the empire’s most diverse corners, with few of its residents speaking Russian as their native language or identifying with the culture of the Great Russian interior. Nevertheless, as Hillis shows, by the late nineteenth century, Russian nationalists had established a strong foothold in the southwest’s culture and educated society; in the first decade of the twentieth, they secured a leading role in local mass politics. By 1910, with help from sympathetic officials in St. Petersburg, right-bank activists expanded their sights beyond the borderlands, hoping to spread their nationalizing agenda across the empire.Exploring why and how the empire’s southwestern borderlands produced its most organized and politically successful Russian nationalist movement, Hillis puts forth a bold new interpretation of state-society relations under tsarism as she reconstructs the role that a peripheral region played in attempting to define the essential characteristics of the Russian people and their state.
This is a study of how the Jewish community of Breslau--the third largest and one of the most affluent in Germany--coped with Nazi persecution. Ascher has included the experiences of his immediate family, although the book is based mainly on archival sources, numerous personal reminiscences, as well as publications by the Jewish community in the 1930s. It is the first comprehensive study of a local Jewish community in Germany under Nazi rule. Until the very end, the Breslau Jews maintained a stance of defiance and sought to persevere as a cohesive group with its own institutions. They categorically denied the Nazi claim that they were not genuine Germans, but at the same time they also refused to abandon their Jewish heritage. They created a new school for the children evicted from public schools, established a variety of new cultural institutions, placed new emphasis on religious observance, maintained the Jewish hospital against all odds, and, perhaps most remarkably, increased the range of welfare services, which were desperately needed as more and more of their number lost their livelihood. In short, the Jews of Breslau refused to abandon either their institutions or the values that they had nurtured for decades. In the end, it was of no avail as the Nazis used their overwhelming power to liquidate the community by force.
This volume provides a comparative study of the problems and prospects of reform in modern Russian history. Drawn from contributions to a May 1990 conference sponsored by the Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studies, the book raises important methodological and historiographic questions regarding the content, scope, and significance of various reform efforts, ranging from the Great Reforms of tsar Alexander II to attempts to salvage the Soviet system undertaken by Khrushchev and Gorbachev. One of the key issues raised is whether various attempts to modernise the political and social system were a series of cyclical failures or demonstrate a pattern of progressive development.Reform in Modern Russian History favours the second mode of interpretation and provides an excellent background for all who want to understand the Gorbachev era and contemporary Russian politics.
There is a widespread notion that Russia is forever fated to be an authoritarian country where liberalism and democracy can never make real progress. However, at the beginning of the twentieth century there was an extremely influential “liberationist” movement which culminated in the formation of a modern, Western-style liberal party, the Constitutional Democrats or “Kadets”. The book provides a comprehensive history of the rise of the Kadets, focusing, in particular, on the revolutionary years 1905-06. It outlines how they dominated the first Duma elected by the people and analyses their policies, social composition and political tactics. The book challenges the view (shared by many historians) that the Kadets were inherently extreme, doctrinaire or unwilling to compromise, and argues that their eventual failure was primarily due to the intransigence of the old régime. The Russian Liberals and the Revolution of 1905 illustrates, in detail, that the Kadets offered a moderate alternative to reaction on the one hand and revolution on the other.
Russian Liberalism charts the development of liberal ideas and political organizations in Russia as well as the implementation of liberal reforms by the Russian and Soviet governments at various points in time. Paul Robinson's comprehensive survey covers the entire period from the late eighteenth century to the present day. Robinson demonstrates that liberalism has always lacked strong roots in the Russian population, being largely espoused by a narrow group of intellectuals whose culture it has reflected, and has tended toward a form of historical determinism that sees Russia as destined to become like the West. Many see the current political struggle between Russia and the West as being in part a conflict between the liberal West and an illiberal Russia. By explaining the historical causes of liberalism's failure in that country, Russian Liberalism offers an understanding of a significant aspect of contemporary international affairs. After Putin's February 2022 invasion of Ukraine, understanding Russian political thought is a matter of considerable importance.
An examination of property rights reforms in Russia before the revolution reveals the advantages and pitfalls of liberal democracy in action—from a government that could be described as neither liberal nor democratic. The author analyzes whether truly liberal reform can be effectively established from above versus from the bottom up—or whether it is simply a product of exceptional historical circumstances.