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This study uses data gathered from four separate data reservoirs (viz. my native-speaker knowledge of an AA dialect, established literature, social media and the internet, and informal conversations with speakers of AA in Algeria in summer 2017) to serve as a basis to describe how French loanwords are adapted, both phonologically and morphologically, when they enter AA. To describe these adaptations, I will shed light over the course of this study on the following linguistic processes: first, how French sounds, consonants and vowels, are adapted when they enter AA; secondly how French loanwords that violate phonotactic constraints imposed by AA are adapted; thirdly, how French noun loans are inflected with regard to the categories of number, gender, and definiteness; and finally how French verb loans are typically integrated into AA. In terms of phonological adaptation, there is one view, namely that posited by the phonological standpoint, which claims that the source language phonemes are mapped onto their equivalent phonemes in the recipient language, thereby ignoring the allophonic, phonetic details extant in the source language. Conversely, the phonetic view of loanword adaptation claims that adaptations are based on the phonetic proximity between that of the sounds of the source language and that of the sounds present in the recipient language. In this study, evidence generated by this author's study of AA is presented so as to show that both factors interact to determine the optimal output of the adaptation of a loanword from French and that it is hard, if not impossible, to single out one or other specific factor being responsible for the adaptation. In addition to the aforementioned phonetic and phonological factors, the morphology of the recipient language also plays a role in loanword adaptation in that some loanwords are mapped onto AA patterns, where the stem consonants in the prototype are abstracted and mapped onto a native pattern, whereas the vowels in the prototype are completely ignored. In addition to linguistic factors, this study ascertained a factor overlooked in previous studies on loanword adaptation. The research of this study revealed a previously overlooked non-linguistic factor that plays an important role in loanword adaptation: specifically that of gender. One case in point is the adaptation of the French rhotic /r/, which indexes gender in AA. Socially male speakers map it onto the closest phoneme in AA, whereas socially female speakers map it onto the acoustically closest sound. In terms of morphological adaptation, this author's analysis revealed that most noun loans form their plural in -āt /-aːt/ and names of professions ending in -ī /-iː/ form their plural in -ya /-ja/. Past and present participles form their plural in -īn /-iːn/.Most noun loans maintain the gender they have in the source language and have the AA feminine marker -a /-a/ suffixed at their end if they are feminine. However, if a noun loan ends in -ment /-mɑ̃/ or -a /-a/, the AA recipient language speakers ignore its original gender and assign it a feminine gender by analogy with the AA feminine marker -a. Assigning gender on the basis of the stem-final vowel is an area where morphology and phonetics overlap. Most nouns are made definite by prefixing the AA definite marker l- /l-/, which assimilates to stem-initial consonant if it is a coronal. French verb loans, on the other hand, are assimilated by suffixing the AA weak-verb ending -ā /-aː/ at their end. Knowledge gained from this study can be used to develop materials to teach AA, as well as to familiarize a wider English language audience with the nuances of spoken AA, in addition to demonstrating the typologies and evolving nature of loanword adaptation and assimilation in AA.iii This is important to researchers, language learners and linguists, given that there persists a dearth of linguistic studies of AA outside of the few studies written in French and Arabic.
Due to a long history of contact with other tongues, Algerian Arabic and Maltese have massive borrowings from French and Italian respectively. In the aim of exploring the influence of linguistic contact on the types of loan adaptation in these two historically related dialects, this study analyzed a linguistic corpus of noun loans. The effect of language contact is better observed through a comparative study of the phonological and morphological change each language has undertaken. The study investigated French noun loans in Algerian Arabic, and Italian noun loans in Maltese. It specifically focused on gender, number (singular and plural) and the definite article as a means of defining the noun loans. The linguistic consequences of borrowing on these languages have made of Algerian Arabic a case of diffusion and of Maltese a case of diffusion and loss. Maltese has borrowed new phonemes but has lost a few native ones, notably the emphatic and velar fricative sounds, still in use in the other Arabic dialects. Algerian Arabic borrowed new phonemes but retained the native phonemes. Borrowing could not be the only factor that has ultimately rendered Maltese to be no longer considered an Arabic dialect and has made Algerian Arabic not obvious to other Arabic speakers, yet it has reinforced it. Contact with the foreign language Italian and loss of contact with the mainstream Arabic dialects was another major factor that rendered Maltese a unique Semitic variety alien even to the closest North African dialect.
By de-anonymizing the key text on Mediterranean Lingua Franca, the book opens unexpected new areas for linguistic and historical research.
This volume provides a detailed analysis of language contact in North Africa and explores the historical presence of the languages used in the region, including the different varieties of Arabic and Berber as well as European languages. Using a wide range of data sets, it provides a comprehensive analysis of the mechanisms of language contact under classical diglossia and societal bilingualism, examining multiple cases of oral and written code-switching. It also describes contact-induced lexical and structural change in such situations and discusses the possible appearance of new varieties within the context of diglossia. Examples from past diglossic situations are examined, including the situation in Muslim Spain and the Maltese Islands. An analysis of the current situation of Arabic vernaculars, not only in the Maghreb but also in other Arabic-speaking areas, is also presented. This book will appeal to anyone interested in language contact, the Arabic language, and North Africa.
The book will appeal to anyone interested in language contact, the Arabic language, and North Africa. It uses sociohistorical information and a wide range of data sets, including electronic communication, to provide a comprehensive picture of the past and present language situation in the region.
Although a major language in itself, Urdu has borrowed words from three major languages of the world, namely Persian, Arabic and English, with various loan morphological and phonological features. There have been very few studies on this phenomenon, and many features are still unexplored. This study focuses on loanword morphology, and looks at the nature of loanwords borrowed from these three languages. The book begins by examining the morphological adaptation of loanwords. Secondly, parallels and differences are explored between the relatively recent adaptation of English loans and the older adaptation of words from Arabic and Persian. The descriptive content of the book – covering as it does not only English loanwords, but those from Arabic and Persian as well, in addition to examining native Urdu structures – is refreshingly broad. The study itself is primarily descriptive, carefully teasing apart the sometimes complex interactions between syntax, semantics and linguistic function relative to loanword adaptation. However, even beyond the question of loanword adaptation, there is much to recommend itself descriptively here, with regard to the morphological structures of Urdu, including endocentric, exocentric, copulative, postpositional and verbal compounds. In addition to such derivational processes, this study also considers various inflectional issues, such as gender, number and case morphology, the pluralisation of English nominal loans, and the adaptation of English verbs through the use of Urdu dummy verbs. The book offers a good foundation for a more in-depth examination of the data against current morphological theory. Taken as a whole, it not only presents a large quantity of interesting data in pursuing the immediate question of loanword adaptation in Urdu, but also provides a fruitful starting point for a wealth of further investigations into Urdu and into loanword adaptation more generally.