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This volume reviews the nuclear weapons policies of France, Britain, and China and analyzes their roles as independent deterrents in international politics. The end of a bipolar international system and deep reductions in the American and Russian nuclear arsenals have increased the relative importance of the nuclear forces of these three countries.
Drawing on official records and private papers, this book offers insights into Anglo-American reactions to France's development of an independent nuclear capability; France's bid for the political leadership of Europe; Britain's first application to join the EEC; the controversial US multilateral force (MLF) proposal for NATO; Britain's numerous propositions to France for the development of an independent European nuclear force; the tense Anglo-American diplomatic quarrel that was the Skybolt crisis; and the creative diplomacy that produced the Nassau Agreement of December 1962.
France, more than any other Western ally, has consistently tried to maintain its autonomy from U.S. foreign policy by insisting on a distinctively French global view and agenda. Whether interpreted as proud independence or petty intransigence, such French assertiveness has often embittered relations between the two nations and has sparked exasperation and resentment on both sides. In France and the United States: the Cold Alliance since World War II, Frank Costigliola examines the cultural and psychological aspects of postwar relations between the United States and its oldest ally and demonstrates the way in which these less tangible factors have colored the strategic, political, and economic ties between the two nations. This is the first major study of the two countries to look closely at the language of their diplomatic and cultural relations, and in particular at the ways in which gendered metaphors and allusions subtly affect attitudes and policies. The author also breaks new ground by considering how the end of the Cold War, the unification of Germany, the Persian Gulf War, the changing role of NATO, and the rise of the European Community have affected U.S. relations with France and with Western Europe as a whole. This timely and lively account sheds light on the political and personal clashes that de Gaulle had with Roosevelt and Johnson and that Mitterrand has had with Reagan and Bush. The author integrates into his political analysis the fascinating stories of the contested introduction into France of Coca-Cola, McDonald's, Hollywood films, and Euro Disneyland; the controversial adoption of French theories by some American intellectuals, the quarrel over AIDS, and the building of the I. M. Pei Pyramid at the Louvre. Costigliola's richly detailed account will be an important text for scholars and students of the postwar histories of the United States, France, and Western Europe.
How have nuclear weapons affected the way countries deal with one another? The Nuclear Revolution answers this question by comparing the nuclear age with previous periods of international history, from the fifth century B.C. to the twentieth century. The Nuclear Revolution offers insightful and provocative perspectives on the Soviet-American nuclear arms race, comparing it with the Anglo-German naval rivalry before World War I and with modern tariff competitions. The work also compares the advent of nuclear weapons with the two other modern revolutions in warfare: Napoleon's military innovations and the industrial warfare of World War I. It assesses the impact of nuclear armaments on the balance of power, alliances, and the behaviour of national leaders. Also included is an analysis of the differences between nuclear weapons and chemical and biological weapons of mass destruction. The concuding chapter, bringing together ideas from history, religion, and psychology, explores the effects that the threat of nuclear annihilation has on everyday life.
"This book shows that political culture, values and beliefs taking the form of belief-systems or logically less coherent belief-clusters that have grown over many years, are central to understanding nuclear strategy preferences, and that it is often pointless to surmise another country's 'national interest' without a deep understanding of these factors."--BOOK JACKET.Title Summary field provided by Blackwell North America, Inc. All Rights Reserved
This book, first published in 1984, examines France’s independent nuclear weapons programme of the 1980s alongside the French peace movement, which was almost totally absent – in contrast to the peace protests of the US and the rest of Europe. This book analyses this unusual pattern of defence and dissent, and assesses its likely development. It looks at the evolvement of French post-war defence policy, and discusses the French peace movement, attempting to explain why it was so weak.
Nearly 40 years after the concept of finite deterrence was popularized by the Johnson administration, nuclear Mutual Assured Destruction (MAD) thinking appears to be in decline. The United States has rejected the notion that threatening population centers with nuclear attacks is a legitimate way to assure deterrence. Most recently, it withdrew from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, an agreement based on MAD. American opposition to MAD also is reflected in the Bush administration's desire to develop smaller, more accurate nuclear weapons that would reduce the number of innocent civilians killed in a nuclear strike. Still, MAD is influential in a number of ways. First, other countries, like China, have not abandoned the idea that holding their adversaries' cities at risk is necessary to assure their own strategic security. Nor have U.S. and allied security officials and experts fully abandoned the idea. At a minimum, acquiring nuclear weapons is still viewed as being sensible to face off a hostile neighbor that might strike one's own cities. Thus, our diplomats have been warning China that Japan would be under tremendous pressure to go nuclear if North Korea persisted in acquiring a few crude weapons of its own. Similarly, Israeli officials have long argued, without criticism, that they would not be second in acquiring nuclear weapons in the Middle East. Indeed, given that Israelis surrounded by enemies that would not hesitate to destroy its population if they could, Washington finds Israel's retention of a significant nuclear capability totally "understandable."