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Written by a leading group of scholars in the field, this unique volume examines post-Agreement Northern Ireland. It shatters the myth that Northern Ireland is 'a place apart' - its conflict the result of peculiarly local circumstances. Northern Ireland is compared with other divided societies in four continents, including the Aland Islands, the Basque Country, Canada, Cyprus, Corsica, East Timor, Israel/Palestine, Lebanon, Puerto Rico, South Africa, South Tyrol and Sri Lanka. The collection shows that comparative analysis is essential for understanding the dynamics of Northern Ireland's conflict and ethnic conflict in general. It also shows the value of comparative analysis for conflict management. The contributors offer a wealth of suggestions on how to consolidate or change the landmark Agreement that Northern Ireland's political parties reached in April 1998.
Written by a leading group of scholars in the field, this unique volume examines post-Agreement Northern Ireland. It shatters the myth that Northern Ireland is 'a place apart' - its conflict the result of peculiarly local circumstances. Northern Ireland is compared with other divided societies in four continents, including the Aland Islands, the Basque Country, Canada, Cyprus, Corsica, East Timor, Israel/Palestine, Lebanon, Puerto Rico, South Africa, South Tyrol and SriLanka. The collection shows that comparative analysis is essential for understanding the dynamics of Northern Ireland's conflict and ethnic conflict in general. It also shows the value of comparative analysis for conflict management. The contributors offer a wealth of suggestions on how toconsolidate or change the landmark Agreement that Northern Ireland's political parties reached in April 1998.
Lee Smithey examines how symbolic cultural expressions in Northern Ireland, such as parades, bonfires, murals, and commemorations, provide opportunities for Protestant unionists and loyalists to reconstruct their collective identities and participate in conflict transformation.
This original and distinctive book surveys the political, economic and social history of Northern Ireland in the Second World War. Since its creation in 1920, Northern Ireland has been a deeply divided society and the book explores these divisions before and during the war. It examines rearmament, the relatively slow wartime mobilisation, the 1941 Blitz, labour and industrial relations, politics and social policy. Northern Ireland was the only part of the UK with a devolved government and no military conscription during the war. The absence of military conscription made the process of mobilisation, and the experience of men and women, very different from that in Britain. The book's conclusion considers how the government faced the domestic and international challenges of the postwar world. This study draws on a wide range of primary sources and will appeal to those interested in modern Irish and British history and in the Second World War.
Written by a leading group of scholars in the field, this unique volume examines post-Agreement Northern Ireland. It shatters the myth that Northern Ireland is 'a place apart' - its conflict the result of peculiarly local circumstances. Northern Ireland is compared with other divided societies in four continents, including the Aland Islands, the Basque Country, Canada, Cyprus, Corsica, East Timor, Israel/Palestine, Lebanon, Puerto Rico, South Africa, South Tyrol and Sri Lanka. The collection shows that comparative analysis is essential for understanding the dynamics of Northern Ireland's conflict and ethnic conflict in general. It also shows the value of comparative analysis for conflict management. The contributors offer a wealth of suggestions on how to consolidate or change the landmark Agreement that Northern Ireland's political parties reached in April 1998.
Consociational power sharing is increasingly gaining ground, right around the world, as a means for resolving political conflict in divided societies. In this volume, edited by Rupert Taylor, nineteen internationally-respected scholars engage in a lively debate about the merits of the theory underlying this approach. The volume focuses specifically on one of the leading cases under the global spotlight, the Northern Ireland conflict, and brings together the most prominent proponents and opponents of consociationalism. Northern Ireland’s transition from war to peace is seen by consociationalists as flowing from the historic Belfast Agreement of 1998, and specifically from the Agreement’s consociational framework. The Northern Ireland case is marketed by consociationalists as representing best practice, and as providing a template for ending conflicts in other parts of the world. However, as this volume interrogates, on what grounds, and to what extent, can such a positive reading be upheld? Taken as a whole, this volume, structured as a symposium around the highly-influential argument of John McGarry and Brendan O’Leary, offers comparative, engaging, and critical insight into how political theory can contribute to the creation of a better world. Consociational Theory is an important text for anyone with an interest in political theory, conflict resolution in divided societies, or Irish politics.
This brilliantly innovative synthesis of narrative and analysis illuminates how British colonialism shaped the formation and political cultures of what became Northern Ireland and the Irish Free State. A Treatise on Northern Ireland, Volume I provides a somber and compelling comparative audit of the scale of recent conflict in Northern Ireland and explains its historical origins. Contrasting colonial and sectarianized accounts of modern Irish history, Brendan O'Leary shows that a judicious meld of these perspectives provides a properly political account of direct and indirect rule, and of administrative and settler colonialism. The British state incorporated Ulster and Ireland into a deeply unequal Union after four re-conquests over two centuries had successively defeated the Ulster Gaels, the Catholic Confederates, the Jacobites, and the United Irishmen—and their respective European allies. Founded as a union of Protestants in Great Britain and Ireland, rather than of the British and the Irish nations, the colonial and sectarian Union was infamously punctured in the catastrophe of the Great Famine. The subsequent mobilization of Irish nationalists and Ulster unionists, and two republican insurrections amid the cataclysm and aftermath of World War I, brought the now partly democratized Union to an unexpected end, aside from a shrunken rump of British authority, baptized as Northern Ireland. Home rule would be granted to those who had claimed not to want it, after having been refused to those who had ardently sought it. The failure of possible federal reconstructions of the Union and the fateful partition of the island are explained, and systematically compared with other British colonial partitions. Northern Ireland was invented, in accordance with British interests, to resolve the 'hereditary animosities' between the descendants of Irish natives and British settlers in Ireland. In the long run, the invention proved unfit for purpose. Indispensable for explaining contemporary institutions and mentalities, this volume clears the path for the intelligent reader determined to understand contemporary Northern Ireland.
The third volume of the definitive political history of Northern Ireland. The Good Friday Agreement deserved the attention the world gave it, even if it was not always accurately understood. After its ratification in two referendums, for the first time in history political institutions throughout the island of Ireland rested upon the freely given assent of majorities of all the peoples on the island. It marked, it was hoped, the full political decolonization of Ireland. Whether Ireland would reunify, or whether Northern Ireland remain in union with Great Britain now rested on the will of the people of Ireland, North and South respectively: a complex mode of power-sharing addressed the self-determination dispute. The concluding volume of Brendan O'Leary's A Treatise on Northern Ireland explains the making of this settlement, and the many failed initiatives that preceded it under British direct rule. Long-term structural and institutional changes and short-term political maneuvers are given their due in this lively but comprehensive assessment. The Anglo-Irish Agreement is identified as the political tipping point, itself partially the outcome of the hunger strikes of 1980-81 that had prevented the criminalization of republicanism. Until 2016 the prudent judgment seemed to be that the Good Friday Agreement had broadly worked, eventually enabling Sinn Féin and the DUP to share power, with intermittent attention from the sovereign governments. Cultural Catholics appeared content if not in love with the Union with Great Britain. But the decision to hold a referendum on the UK's membership of the European Union has collaterally damaged and destabilized the Good Friday Agreement. That, in turn, has shaped the UK's tortured exit negotiations with the European Union. In appraising these recent events and assessing possible futures, readers will find O'Leary's distinctive angle of vision clear, sharp, unsentimental, and unsparing of reputations, in keeping with the mastery of the historical panoramas displayed throughout this treatise.