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考上初中，接觸英文後，就對它發生興趣，但當時並不很用功，及上高中，受 到良師的啟發，才對它下了工夫。這是後來選擇就讀外文系的原因。事實上， 筆者對文學毫無興趣，也無文學細胞，但對英文文法則情有獨鍾。大二上英文 文法與修辭課時，非常用功，曾蒐購國內外出版的文法與修辭書籍一百多本， 並花了相當工夫寫了一篇【英文冠詞之研究】的報告，送請恩師卓貺來教授指 導斧正。 對英文有興趣，是筆者從事外交工作的主要原因之一。但是，外交人員因派駐 國家使用語文之不同，或因工作需要之差異，並非都有常用英文或英語的機會。 有些同仁在國內外工作數十年，未曾寫過英文公文或書信，恐是外界人士所難 想像的。筆者算是較幸運的，曾駐劄日本、越南、美國、南非、德國及巴哈馬 等國，使用英文與英語的機會相當多，但每當提筆撰寫文稿時，仍不免有「書 到用時方恨少」的愧嘆！ 孔子說：「工欲善其事，必先利其器」。要寫好英文，必先學好英語；可是，要 學好英語並非一蹴可及。近年來，政府與民間各界都很重視英語，加上電子傳 媒非常發達，學習英語的環境已獲相當改善，所以國人英語水準的提升應是指 日可待。但是，要寫好英文，除了應先學好英語外，仍須備有完善的英文字、 辭典或其他參考書籍。目前坊間出版之英文字、辭典及參考工具書數量甚多， 但多因限於篇幅，所舉例句多嫌太過簡短，另或因編輯簡略缺陋，以致大多無 法滿足讀者學習或參考之需要。 民國六十五年間，友人借給 Terry L. Chow 中校所撰“Common Expressions for Written Communications”乙書，閱讀後發現該書內容簡潔實用，是一本很難得 的好書。但因該書例句內容偏重軍情事務，對一般人而言，參考價值似嫌不高， 筆者爰決定根據該書架構，重新加以改寫編輯。多年來乃於公餘之暇，大量閱 讀中外英文政經文獻，近年來更利用電腦上網搜尋，不斷蒐集相關例句，前後 費時約六載，終於日前一償夙願，寫成【英文寫作常用字彙與例句】乙書。本 書例句涵蓋我國「憲法」、「動員戡亂時期臨時條款」、「民法」與「國家統一綱 領」，以及「聯合國憲章」、「維也納外交關係公約」、「維也納領事關係公約」、「海 牙國籍法公約」與「中美共同防禦條約」等重要條文，並附有中譯，是編輯上 之另一特色。 筆者不揣鄙陋，抱持「愚公移山」的精神，編寫完成此書，架構完整，並附有 實用例句，應是進修英文者的可靠良伴，更是從事英文寫作或翻譯工作者必備 4 4 的工具書。付梓匆匆，漏誤必多，而魯魚亥豕，亦在所難免，尚請讀者先進不 吝惠予賜教，以供將來修正參考。是所至禱。 外交部領事事務局黃清雄及季韻聲二兄協助校對及指正，併此申謝。 潘 明(Gilbert M. Pan) 謹誌 中華民國九十五年十月
"Containing the public messages, speeches, and statements of the President", 1956-1992.
Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States
During the 1980s, millions of ordinary individuals around the world mobilized in support of nuclear disarmament. Although U.S. President Ronald Reagan and Soviet General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev were not part of these grassroots movements, they too wanted to eliminate nuclear weapons. Nuclear abolitionism was a diverse and global phenomenon. In Dreams for a Decade, Stephanie L. Freeman draws on newly declassified material from multiple continents to examine nuclear abolitionists' influence on the trajectory of the Cold War's last decade. Freeman reveals that nuclear abolitionism played a significant yet unappreciated role in ending the Cold War. Grassroots and government nuclear abolitionists shifted U.S. and Soviet nuclear arms control paradigms from arms limitation to arms reduction. This paved the way for the reversal of the U.S.-Soviet nuclear arms race, which began with the landmark 1987 Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty. European peace activists also influenced Gorbachev's "common European home" initiative and support for freedom of choice in Europe, which prevented the Soviet leader from intervening to stop the 1989 East European revolutions. These revolutions ripped the fabric of the Iron Curtain, which had divided Europe for more than four decades. Despite their inability to eliminate nuclear weapons, grassroots and government nuclear abolitionists deserve credit for playing a pivotal role in the Cold War's endgame. They also provide a model for enacting dramatic, positive change in a peaceful manner.
When American evangelicals flocked to Latin America, Africa, Asia, and Eastern Europe in the late twentieth century to fulfill their Biblical mandate for global evangelism, their experiences abroad led them to engage more deeply in foreign policy activism at home. Lauren Frances Turek tracks these trends and illuminates the complex and significant ways in which religion shaped America's role in the late–Cold War world. In To Bring the Good News to All Nations, she examines the growth and influence of Christian foreign policy lobbying groups in the United States beginning in the 1970s, assesses the effectiveness of Christian efforts to attain foreign aid for favored regimes, and considers how those same groups promoted the imposition of economic and diplomatic sanctions on those nations that stifled evangelism. Using archival materials from both religious and government sources, To Bring the Good News to All Nations links the development of evangelical foreign policy lobbying to the overseas missionary agenda. Turek's case studies—Guatemala, South Africa, and the Soviet Union—reveal the extent of Christian influence on American foreign policy from the late 1970s through the 1990s. Evangelical policy work also reshaped the lives of Christians overseas and contributed to a reorientation of U.S. human rights policy. Efforts to promote global evangelism and support foreign brethren led activists to push Congress to grant aid to favored, yet repressive, regimes in countries such as Guatemala while imposing economic and diplomatic sanctions on nations that persecuted Christians, such as the Soviet Union. This advocacy shifted the definitions and priorities of U.S. human rights policies with lasting repercussions that can be traced into the twenty-first century.