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Nigeria’s democratisation efforts since attaining political independence from Britain have been tumultuous and have spanned over three successive republics. A persistent bug decimating Nigeria’s democracy and repeatedly leading to military coups has been brazen electoral violence perpetrated by the nation’s political elite. Nigeria's 2019 Democratic Experience analyses and explains what went wrong in Nigeria’s experiment with democracy. Nigeria, Africa’s most populous nation and the world’s seventh most populous nation, also contributes 70% of West Africa’s population. She is sub-Saharan Africa’s largest oil producer and has remained Africa’s largest economy by GDP since 2014. The country has hundreds of diverse ethnic nationalities and languages grouped into 36 states (or federating units) and an independent federal capital territory. Though recognized as Africa’s largest democracy, her democratisation process since the 1960s has remained tumultuous with massive electoral violence and political intolerance. This repeatedly compelled the military to intervene in the nation’s political history in the years 1966, 1983 and 1985. It is these developments that provided the motivation for this volume to capture for posterity the conduct of the 2019 General Elections in Nigeria.
This book addresses various issues that have arisen in the practice of democracy in Nigeria since 1999, focusing on the Obasanjo years (1999-2007). Nigeria's return to democratic rule has been marked by developments such as the implementation of reforms to address perceived economic problems and corruption. The introduction of democracy in the country has also witnessed many challenges, including the difficult relationship between some political chief executives and their deputies; intriguing intergovernmental relations; the rise and resurgence of sub-national groups that pose serious threat to the hegemony of the state; precarious inter-ethnic/inter-sectional relations; attempts to perpetuate the tenure of chief executives through constitutional amendments; and developments in electoral politics and conflicts. The book provides incisive analysis into these issues.
This is a Book that narrates in detail the way democracy is being practiced in Nigeria, the attitude of the Politicians via-a-vis the government organs, the issue of corruption and self-centered or aggrandizement by political leaders and reasons why Nigerian democracy has brought poverty and penury rather than prosperity.
There is a paradoxical relationship between democracy and development in Nigeria. In the twenty years of electoral democracy, poverty, inequality, unemployment, underemployment and insecurity have increased. The hopes of citizens that democracy would lead to improved living standards have been dashed. Social justice and inclusive sustainable development have also been elusive. The economy has remained dependent on 2 primary sectors - agriculture and oil - and low value added services.The aspiration that by 2020, Nigeria would become one of the twenty leading economies in the world has not been achieved, the political elite have captured the state for personal gains and unsurprisingly, Nigeria remains one of the most corrupt countries in the world.
In 2015, Nigeria's voters cast out the ruling People's Democratic Party (PDP). Here, A. Carl LeVan traces the political vulnerability of Africa's largest party in the face of elite bargains that facilitated a democratic transition in 1999. These 'pacts' enabled electoral competition but ultimately undermined the party's coherence. LeVan also crucially examines the four critical barriers to Nigeria's democratic consolidation: the terrorism of Boko Haram in the northeast, threats of Igbo secession in the southeast, lingering ethnic resentments and rebellions in the Niger Delta, and farmer-pastoralist conflicts. While the PDP unsuccessfully stoked fears about the opposition's ability to stop Boko Haram's terrorism, the opposition built a winning electoral coalition on economic growth, anti-corruption, and electoral integrity. Drawing on extensive interviews with a number of politicians and generals and civilians and voters, he argues that electoral accountability is essential but insufficient for resolving the representational, distributional, and cultural components of these challenges.