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In December 1908, 12 years before the 19th Amendment gave women the right to vote, Arthur Winfield MacLean, an entrepreneurial Boston attorney, resolved to train women to be lawyers. What began with just two students grew each year until 1918, when he incorporated his enterprise as Portia School of Law, the only law school in the country founded exclusively for women. By 1927, the law school had 436 students and regularly provided the majority of female admittees to the Massachusetts bar. Guided by Dean MacLean and his successors, Portia began admitting men in 1938 and in 1969 achieved national accreditation as New England School of Law. In 1998, it was admitted to the Association of American Law Schools. Throughout its history, New England School of Law has maintained a tradition of offering opportunity and motivating its students to transcend barriers. Today that tradition is carried on by an outstanding faculty backed by committed administrators and trustees.
In December 1908, 12 years before the 19th Amendment gave women the right to vote, Arthur Winfield MacLean, an entrepreneurial Boston attorney, resolved to train women to be lawyers. What began with just two students grew each year until 1918, when he incorporated his enterprise as Portia School of Law, the only law school in the country founded exclusively for women. By 1927, the law school had 436 students and regularly provided the majority of female admittees to the Massachusetts bar. Guided by Dean MacLean and his successors, Portia began admitting men in 1938 and in 1969 achieved national accreditation as New England School of Law. In 1998, it was admitted to the Association of American Law Schools. Throughout its history, New England School of Law has maintained a tradition of offering opportunity and motivating its students to transcend barriers. Today that tradition is carried on by an outstanding faculty backed by committed administrators and trustees.
Between 1623 and 1960 (the date of the last execution as of 1999), Connecticut, Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Rhode Island and Vermont legally put to death more than 700 men and women for a wide variety of capital crimes ranging from army desertion to murder. This is a companion volume to Legal Executions in New York State and Legal Executions in New Jersey, both published by McFarland. It is comprised of chronologically arranged biographical entries for the executed persons. Each entry gives personal data on the executed person, including age, ethnicity, and gender, as well as a detailed account of the crime for which he or she was sentenced to death and information on the place and method of execution. Fully indexed.
“An essential title for anyone thinking of law school or concerned with America's dysfunctional legal system.” —Library Journal On the surface, law schools today are thriving. Enrollments are on the rise and law professors are among the highest paid. Yet behind the flourishing facade, law schools are failing abjectly. Recent front-page stories have detailed widespread dubious practices, including false reporting of LSAT and GPA scores, misleading placement reports, and the fundamental failure to prepare graduates to enter the profession. Addressing all these problems and more is renowned legal scholar Brian Z. Tamanaha. Piece by piece, Tamanaha lays out the how and why of the crisis and the likely consequences if the current trend continues. The out-of-pocket cost of obtaining a law degree at many schools now approaches $200,000. The average law school graduate’s debt is around $100,000—the highest it has ever been—while the legal job market is the worst in decades. Growing concern with the crisis in legal education has led to high-profile coverage in the Wall Street Journal and the New York Times, and many observers expect it soon will be the focus of congressional scrutiny. Bringing to the table his years of experience from within the legal academy, Tamanaha provides the perfect resource for assessing what’s wrong with law schools and figuring out how to fix them. “Failing Law Schools presents a comprehensive case for the negative side of the legal education debate and I am sure that many legal academics and every law school dean will be talking about it.” —Stanley Fish, Florida International University College of Law
The Yale New statutes manuscript and medieval English statute books : similarities and differences -- Royal portraits and royal arms : the iconography of the Yale New statutes manuscript -- The Queen and the Lancastrian cause : the Yale New statutes manuscript and Margaret of Anjou -- Educating the prince : the Yale New statutes manuscript and Lancastrian mirrors for princes -- "Grace be our guide" : the cultural significance of a medieval law book.
Following the abolition of slavery in New England, white citizens seemed to forget that it had ever existed there. Drawing on a wide array of primary sources—from slaveowners' diaries to children's daybooks to racist broadsides—Joanne Pope Melish reveals not only how northern society changed but how its perceptions changed as well. Melish explores the origins of racial thinking and practices to show how ill-prepared the region was to accept a population of free people of color in its midst. Because emancipation was gradual, whites transferred prejudices shaped by slavery to their relations with free people of color, and their attitudes were buttressed by abolitionist rhetoric which seemed to promise riddance of slaves as much as slavery. She tells how whites came to blame the impoverished condition of people of color on their innate inferiority, how racialization became an important component of New England ante-bellum nationalism, and how former slaves actively participated in this discourse by emphasizing their African identity. Placing race at the center of New England history, Melish contends that slavery was important not only as a labor system but also as an institutionalized set of relations. The collective amnesia about local slavery's existence became a significant component of New England regional identity.
Nancy Leong reveals how powerful people and institutions use diversity to their own advantage and how the rest of us can respond—and do better. Why do people accused of racism defend themselves by pointing to their black friends? Why do men accused of sexism inevitably talk about how they love their wife and daughters? Why do colleges and corporations alike photoshop people of color into their websites and promotional materials? And why do companies selling everything from cereal to sneakers go out of their way to include a token woman or person of color in their advertisements? In this groundbreaking book, Nancy Leong coins the term "identity capitalist" to label the powerful insiders who eke out social and economic value from people of color, women, LGBTQ people, the poor, and other outgroups. Leong deftly uncovers the rules that govern a system in which all Americans must survive: the identity marketplace. She contends that the national preoccupation with diversity has, counterintuitively, allowed identity capitalists to infiltrate the legal system, educational institutions, the workplace, and the media. Using examples from law to literature, from politics to pop culture, Leong takes readers on a journey through the hidden agendas and surprising incentives of various ingroup actors. She also uncovers a dire dilemma for outgroup members: do they play along and let their identity be used by others, or do they protest and risk the wrath of the powerful? Arming readers with the tools to recognize and mitigate the harms of exploitation, Identity Capitalists reveals what happens when we prioritize diversity over equality.