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In today’s complex and interconnected world, scholars of international relations seek to better understand challenges spurred by intensified global communication and interaction. The complex connectedness of modern society and politics compels us to investigate the pattern of interconnections among actors who inhabit social and political spaces. Gabriella Paár-Jákli's study aims to advance theory and practice by examining the networks used by specialists in North America and Europe to achieve their policy goals in the area of science and technology. Her book suggests that to overcome policy problems transnationally, three critical factors should be considered. First, as science and technology policy becomes increasingly critical to resolving global issues, it should be regarded as an integral element of the foreign policy process. Second, as liberal international relations theory argues, the increasing role of NGOs must be taken seriously alongside states as vital agents of policy reform. Third, as transatlantic relations remain center to maintaining the global order, they must be reconsidered. Paar-Jakli assesses the role of digital networks as facilitators of regional cooperation. Utilizing various techniques of social network analysis, her research indicates an active and structurally discernible network in cyberspace among transatlantic organizations, and demonstrates the role of virtual networks as facilitators of cooperative arrangements in transatlantic relations. Paár-Jákli's original research uses social network analysis to investigate transatlantic cooperation, a new approach that will be noteworthy to network and transatlantic scholars as well as policymakers.
In today’s complex and interconnected world, scholars of international relations seek to better understand challenges spurred by intensified global communication and interaction. The complex connectedness of modern society and politics compels us to investigate the pattern of interconnections among actors who inhabit social and political spaces. Gabriella Paár-Jákli's study aims to advance theory and practice by examining the networks used by specialists in North America and Europe to achieve their policy goals in the area of science and technology. Her book suggests that to overcome policy problems transnationally, three critical factors should be considered. First, as science and technology policy becomes increasingly critical to resolving global issues, it should be regarded as an integral element of the foreign policy process. Second, as liberal international relations theory argues, the increasing role of NGOs must be taken seriously alongside states as vital agents of policy reform. Third, as transatlantic relations remain center to maintaining the global order, they must be reconsidered. Paar-Jakli assesses the role of digital networks as facilitators of regional cooperation. Utilizing various techniques of social network analysis, her research indicates an active and structurally discernible network in cyberspace among transatlantic organizations, and demonstrates the role of virtual networks as facilitators of cooperative arrangements in transatlantic relations. Paár-Jákli's original research uses social network analysis to investigate transatlantic cooperation, a new approach that will be noteworthy to network and transatlantic scholars as well as policymakers.
Having realized that its traditional mode of coordinating--essentially issuing regulation--no longer commands sufficient political support, the European Union (EU) has turned to what are increasingly referred to as 'new' modes of governance, which rely upon different actors working together in relatively non-hierarchical networks. This book provides the first extended account of how effective they are at addressing 'wicked' policy problems which simultaneously demand greater levels of horizontal and vertical coordination. Taking, as an example, the thirty year struggle to integrate environmental thinking into all areas and levels of EU policy making, it offers a stark reminder that networked governance is not and is unlikely ever to be a panacea. In doing so, it strips away some of the rhetorical claims made about the novelty and appeal of 'new' modes, to reveal a much more sober and realistic appraisal of their coordinating potential.
Since the UN's creation in 1945 a vast nexus of global and regional institutions has evolved, surrounded by a proliferation of non-governmental agencies and advocacy networks seeking to influence the agenda and direction of international public policy. Although world government remains a fanciful idea, there does exist an evolving global governance complex - embracing states, international institutions, transnational networks and agencies (both public and private) - which functions, with variable effect, to promote, regulate or intervene in the common affairs of humanity. This book provides an accessible introduction to the current debate about the changing form and political significance of global governance. It brings together original contributions from many of the best-known theorists and analysts of global politics to explore the relevance of the concept of global governance to understanding how global activity is currently regulated. Furthermore, it combines an elucidation of substantive theories with a systematic analysis of the politics and limits of governance in key issue areas - from humanitarian intervention to the regulation of global finance. Thus, the volume provides a comprehensive theoretical and empirical assessment of the shift from national government to multilayered global governance. Governing Globalization is the third book in the internationally acclaimed series on global transformations. The other two volumes are Global Transformations: Politics, Economics and Culture and The Global Transformations Reader: An Introduction to the Globalization Debate.
The purpose of this volume is first and foremost to introduce Algeria to a new audience, from its long-ago origins to present day. The goal was to intrigue the audience in the United States to look at the untapped potential for cooperation that Algeria offers in a multitude of sectors. The volume begins with an account of Algeria's history, from its origins, islamization, period under the Ottoman and Roman empires, colonization, independence, through today. It then continues with analysis on Algeria's economy, its energy, agricultural, business, and education sectors, development, and relationship with the United States. This volume will serve as a milestone in the growing of transatlantic cooperation between Algeria and the United States.
As Africa’s strategic importance has increased over the past decade and a half, United States security cooperation with the continent has expanded. The most visible dimension of this increased engagement was the establishment of the U.S. Military Command for Africa (AFRICOM). Some critics are skeptical of AFRICOM’s purpose and see the militarization of U.S. Africa policy while others question its effectiveness. Recognizing the link between development and security, AFRICOM represents a departure from the traditional organization of military commands because of its holistic approach and the involvement of the Department of State as well as other U.S. government stakeholders. Nevertheless, AFRICOM’s effort to combine security and development faces formidable conceptual and operational challenges in trying to ensure both American and African security interests. The human security perspective’s emphasis on issues that go beyond traditional state-centered security to include protecting individuals from threats of hunger, disease, crime, environmental degradation, and political repression as well as focusing on social and economic justice is an important component of security policy. At the same time, the threat of violent extremism heavily influences U.S. security cooperation with Africa. In this examination of the context of U.S.-African security relations, Robert J. Griffiths outlines the nature of the African state, traces the contours of African conflict, surveys the post-independence history of U.S. involvement on the continent, and discusses policy organization and implementation and the impact of U.S. experiences in Iraq and Afghanistan on the U.S.-Africa security relationship. Africa’s continuing geostrategic significance, the influence of China and other emerging markets in the region, and America’s other global engagements, especially in light of U.S. fiscal realities, demonstrate the complexity of U.S.-African security cooperation.
Exercising Human Rights investigates why human rights are not universally empowering and why this damages people attempting to exercise rights. It takes a new approach in looking at humans as the subject of human rights rather than the object and exposes the gendered and ethnocentric aspects of violence and human subjectivity in the context of human rights. Using an innovative visual methodology, Redhead shines a new critical light on human rights campaigns in practice. She examines two cases in-depth. First, she shows how Amnesty International depicts women negatively in their 2004 ‘Stop Violence against Women Campaign’, revealing the political implications of how images deny women their agency because violence is gendered. She also analyses the Oka conflict between indigenous people and the Canadian state. She explains how the Canadian state defined the Mohawk people in such a way as to deny their human subjectivity. By looking at how the Mohawk used visual media to communicate their plight beyond state boundaries, she delves into the disjuncture between state sovereignty and human rights. This book is useful for anyone with an interest in human rights campaigns and in the study of political images.
How effective are democracy clauses of regional integration organizations (RIOs) in promoting democratization and democratic consolidation among member-states? RIOs are increasingly adopting "democracy only" clauses in their treaties, requiring democracy and political stability as a condition of membership. Stable democracy is a collective good for RIO members; without political stability, uncertainty regarding economic exchange increases, undermining the promise of integration. The presence of powerful countries may be necessary for the RIOs to legalize democratic conditionality. In this book, the authors argue that once established democracy clauses exert an independent influence in promoting and defending democratic norms and institutions within the member-states by increasing the transparency and credibility of democratic commitment and sanctions for violation. The findings based on the analysis of 40 RIOs around the world and in-depth analysis of the European Union, the Common Market of the South, and the Economic Community of West African States indicate that RIO democracy clauses help prevent democratic backsliding and coups and stimulate democratization and consolidation. With its global scope, originality, and theoretical rigor, this is the first book to catalogue democracy clauses adopted by RIOs worldwide with a thorough analysis of their effectiveness.
Conflict economies cannot be approached in isolation but must instead be contextualised socially and historically. These economies did not emerge in vacuum, but are part and parcel of the history of people and place. This book explores the informal and illicit extraction and trade of minerals and other types of natural resources that takes place in the 'borderlands' during periods of conflict. This type of extraction and marketing, often referred to as ‘conflict trade’ depends on a weak state, and works alongside the structures of the state and its officials. The book emphasises that conflicts do not start as competition over natural resources and in turn suggests that the integration of the extraction and marketing of natural resources only starts once fighting is well under way. Boas argues that although economic agendas are an integral part of African conflicts, the desire to accumulate is not the only motivation. Thus, in order to present a more comprehensive analysis of conflict we need to take into account political, cultural, and historical factors, in addition to the economic dimensions of conflict. This book will be of very strong interest to students and scholars of political economy, conflict studies, international relations and development.
Do countries keep their promises to the international community? When they sign treaties or learn about new expectations, do they take them seriously and implement them? Since we already know intuitively that not all countries do, the next question – and the topic of this book – is: who complies? By considering a wide range of different rules – each precise enough to allow one to measure state compliance – and a variety of methods, we hope to answer this question once and for all. Including a systematic analysis of 8 different countries selected for the variety of regime type, international engagement and economic development they represent, the work caps a five-year research program and represents the culmination of twenty years’ worth of work in the disciplines of international relations and international law on legalization and compliance. Stiles highlights the importance of systematic study of compliance in order to move further towards solving truly global issues, such as terrorism, human trafficking, air pollution and collective goods provision. With international laws generally designed to improve the human condition and current levels of compliance inconsistent at best, it is vital to gain a better understanding of who complies and why. This detailed study will be of interest to students of Politics, International Law and International Relations.