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This study helps to fill a major void in the literature on African American politics, third parties, and mass movements. Established in 1980, the National Black Political Party (NBIPP) existed for six years and represents the most ambitious attempt by African Americans to establish an independent third-party movement. At its height, NBIPP had chapters throughout the country and had attracted to its membership a young, well-educated, often professional following which had been influenced by the black power movement of the 1960s. This is one of the very few book-length studies of this interesting and important movement. Holmes focuses on a party chapter in Akron, OH, and examines the impact of party building on local mass movement activities an on the political development and continuing political involvement of party members. Utilizing the political process model and issue evolution theory, Holmes explores the linkage between mass movements and normal politics within the African American community. The book makes a very important contribution to our understanding of the current resurgence of black nationalism and how this resurgence fits into a more general pattern of African American politics in which the (sometimes antagonistic) interaction of mass movements and institution building serves to define the African American political agenda a select the elites who will implement it. This book will be useful for students of African American Politics, Sociology of Mass Movements, and Third-Party politics. It will be valuable to the research in those areas, as well as the more general reader who is interested in the African American experience.
These documents pertain to the Philadelphia branch of the National Black Independent Political Party and consist of two sets of minutes, two letters, agendas, and a flow chart with an organization structure explanation. The two-page, first set of minutes, are from the first meeting of the Organizing Committee of the National Black Independent Political Party, held December 13, 1980 at the Holy Cross Church at 63rd and Malvern Avenue in Philadelphia. The second two-page set of minutes are of the second meeting, held on December 20, 1980, at Canaan Baptist Church in Philadelphia. A one-page letter, dated January 15, 1981, stating the agenda for the Saturday, January 24, 1981 meeting, is from Sandra Muhammad Sabree to “Dear Brothers and Sisters.” The other letter, dated February 17, 1981, is from Cynthia Moultrie and Gregory Tisdale, Co-Conveners, Membership Committee, to “Dear Brothers/Sisters,” and announces an Orientation event to be held February 21, 1981 at the John Gloucester House, 22nd and Federal Streets in Philadelphia. This letter is followed by a four-page proposed agenda, program, a listing of party committees, and their responsibilities, and a list of special caucuses and their roles. There is also a flow chart, depicting the “Proposed Interim Organizational Structure,” followed by five pages, explaining the Functions/Responsibilities of the Interior Organizational Structure Components.
Assesses how Blacks have used presidential elections to exercise their political influence, and looks at primaries, party conventions, behind-the-scenes bargaining, and the general election
Over the past fifteen years, a New Black Politics has swept black candidates into office and registered black voters in numbers unimaginable since the days of Reconstruction. Based on interviews with a representative sample of nearly 1,000 voting-age black Americans, Hope and Independence explores blacks' attitudes toward electoral and party politics and toward Jesse Jackson's first presidential bid. Viewed in the light of black political history, the survey reveals enduring themes of hope (for eventual inclusion in traditional politics, despite repeated disappointments) and independence (a strategy of operating outside conventional political institutions in order to achieve incorporation). The authors describe a black electorate that is less alienated than many have suggested. Blacks are more politically engaged than whites with comparable levels of education. And despite growing economic inequality in the black community, the authors find no serious class-based political cleavage. Underlying the widespread support for Jackson among blacks, a distinction emerges between "common fate" solidarity, which is pro-black, committed to internal criticism of the Democratic party, and conscious of commonality with other disadvantaged groups, and "exclusivist" solidarity, which is pro-black but also hostile to whites and less empathetic to other minorities. This second, more divisive type of solidarity expresses itself in the desire for a separate black party or a vote black strategy—but its proponents constitute a small minority of the black electorate and show surprisingly hopeful attitudes toward the Democratic party. Hope and Independence will be welcomed by readers concerned with opinion research, the sociology of race, and the psychology of group consciousness. By probing the attitudes of individual blacks in the context of a watershed campaign, this book also makes a vital contribution to our grasp of current electoral politics.
Reveals the multiple independent political tactics and strategies that African Americans have used to expand democracy and uphold civil and political rights since the founding of the nation. This new edition of Ali’s groundbreaking narrative includes an epilogue by independent political analyst and leader Jacqueline Salit. New material addresses the historic presidencies of both Barack Obama and Donald Trump, as well as the rising tide of independent and anti-party sentiments.