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Reflect on this: You work hard; maybe you work two jobs. You do your best to pay the mortgage or the rent, not to mention other bills. You could use a few extra bucks for your kids' sports or education. In short—you're responsible. Shouldn't the people in charge of governments and taxes be the same? Instead, a separatist sympathizer is chosen as Governor-General, political appointments expect entitlements, and too many politicians elected in one party opportunistically jump ship to another. The same people pass laws to prevent citizens from speaking up—at election time! While this happens, the same political-bureaucratic-judicial axis can't get tough on crime. A Nation of Serfs?: How Canada's Political culture Corrupts Canadian Values is a tart, opinionated call for Canadians to re-think their politics, their dependencies, and the mistaken belief that nothing ever changes. But it can. It starts with truth-telling. It starts with remembering our history. It starts with this book. "Nothing like this book has ever appeared in Canada. My favourite chapter is the one devoted to exploring some of Canada's true roots as a principles of limited government as any in the world." —Terence Corcoran, Editorial Page Editor, The Financial Post "This book is a must-read. Mark Milke makes the moral case against dependency for its own sake. On the right, the fallacy of government subsidies to corporate Canada is exposed; so too is the culture of apathy, entitlement and opposition to sensible reform, which is relentlessly encouraged by the political left. A Nation of Serfs? will open the eyes of average Canadians; it will hand them the 'ammo' to confront many tax-happy politicians and the rainbow of special-interest groups that cheer them on." —John Williamson. Federal Director, Canadian Taxpayers Federation
The abolition of Russian serfdom in 1861 and American slavery in 1865 transformed both nations as Russian peasants and African Americans gained new rights as subjects and citizens. During the second half of the long nineteenth century, Americans and Russians responded to these societal transformations through a fascinating array of new cultural productions. Analyzing portrayals of African Americans and Russian serfs in oil paintings, advertisements, fiction, poetry, and ephemera housed in American and Russian archives, Amanda Brickell Bellows argues that these widely circulated depictions shaped collective memory of slavery and serfdom, affected the development of national consciousness, and influenced public opinion as peasants and freedpeople strove to exercise their newfound rights. While acknowledging the core differences between chattel slavery and serfdom, as well as the distinctions between each nation's post-emancipation era, Bellows highlights striking similarities between representations of slaves and serfs that were produced by elites in both nations as they sought to uphold a patriarchal vision of society. Russian peasants and African American freedpeople countered simplistic, paternalistic, and racist depictions by producing dignified self-representations of their traditions, communities, and accomplishments. This book provides an important reconsideration of post-emancipation assimilation, race, class, and political power.
Reflect on this: You work hard; maybe you work two jobs. You do your best to pay the mortgage or the rent, not to mention other bills. You could use a few extra bucks for your kids' sports or education. In short—you're responsible. Shouldn't the people in charge of governments and taxes be the same? Instead, a separatist sympathizer is chosen as Governor-General, political appointments expect entitlements, and too many politicians elected in one party opportunistically jump ship to another. The same people pass laws to prevent citizens from speaking up—at election time! While this happens, the same political-bureaucratic-judicial axis can't get tough on crime. A Nation of Serfs?: How Canada's Political culture Corrupts Canadian Values is a tart, opinionated call for Canadians to re-think their politics, their dependencies, and the mistaken belief that nothing ever changes. But it can. It starts with truth-telling. It starts with remembering our history. It starts with this book. "Nothing like this book has ever appeared in Canada. My favourite chapter is the one devoted to exploring some of Canada's true roots as a principles of limited government as any in the world." —Terence Corcoran, Editorial Page Editor, The Financial Post "This book is a must-read. Mark Milke makes the moral case against dependency for its own sake. On the right, the fallacy of government subsidies to corporate Canada is exposed; so too is the culture of apathy, entitlement and opposition to sensible reform, which is relentlessly encouraged by the political left. A Nation of Serfs? will open the eyes of average Canadians; it will hand them the 'ammo' to confront many tax-happy politicians and the rainbow of special-interest groups that cheer them on." —John Williamson. Federal Director, Canadian Taxpayers Federation
Aleksandr Nikitenko, born into Russian serfdom in 1804, almost miraculously gained his freedom as a young man, 37 years before serfdom was abolished in the Russian Empire. His compelling autobiography - here translated into English - is one of the very few ever written by a former serf. Nikitenko describes the tragedy, despair, unpredictability, and astounding luck of his youth, bringing to life the experience of a serf in 19th-century Russia.
"Gorshkov's introduction provides some basic knowledge about Russian serfdom and draws upon the most recent scholarship. Notes provide references and general information about events, places and people mentioned in the memoirs."--Jacket.
In the last years of World War II, Friedrich Hayek wrote 'The Road to Serfdom'. He warned the Allies that policy proposals which were being canvassed for the post-war world ran the risk of destroying the very freedom for which they were fighting. On the basis of 'as in war, so in peace', economists and others were arguing that the government should plan all economic activity. Such planning, Hayek argued, would be incompatible with liberty, and had been at the very heart of the movements that had established both communism and Nazism. On its publication in 1944, the book caused a sensation. Neither its British nor its American publisher could keep up with demand, owing to wartime paper rationing. Then, in 1945, Reader's Digest published 'The Road to Serfdom' as the condensed book in its April edition. For the first and still the only time, the condensed book was placed at the front of the magazine instead of the back. Hayek found himself a celebrity, addressing a mass market. The condensed edition was republished for the first time by the IEA in 1999 and has been reissued to meet the continuing demand for its enduringly relevant and accessible message.
Russian rural history has long been based on a 'Peasant Myth', originating with nineteenth-century Romantics and still accepted by many historians today. In this book, Tracy Dennison shows how Russian society looked from below, and finds nothing like the collective, redistributive and market-averse behaviour often attributed to Russian peasants. On the contrary, the Russian rural population was as integrated into regional and even national markets as many of its west European counterparts. Serfdom was a loose garment that enabled different landlords to shape economic institutions, especially property rights, in widely diverse ways. Highly coercive and backward regimes on some landlords' estates existed side-by-side with surprisingly liberal approximations to a rule of law. This book paints a vivid and colourful picture of the everyday reality of rural Russia before the 1861 abolition of serfdom.
Kolchin compares the world of masters and the world of slaves in U.S. and Russian nonfree labor systems. He theorizes that while southern states in the U.S. existed as slaveowner's communities, the rural Russian communal landcape was severely influenced by the bargaining power of peasant bondsmen.
How do peasants come to think of themselves as members of a nation? The widely accepted argument is that national sentiment originates among intellectuals or urban middle classes, then "trickles down" to the working class and peasants. Keely Stauter-Halsted argues that such models overlook the independent contribution of peasant societies. She explores the complex case of the Polish peasants of Austrian Galicia, from the 1848 emancipation of the serfs to the eve of the First World War. In the years immediately after emancipation, Polish-speaking peasants were more apt to identify with the Austrian Emperor and the Catholic Church than with their Polish lords or the middle classes of the Galician capital, Cracow. Yet by the end of the century, Polish-speaking peasants would cheer, "Long live Poland" and celebrate the centennial of the peasant-fueled insurrection in defense of Polish independence. The explanation for this shift, Stauter-Halsted says, is the symbiosis that developed between peasant elites and upper-class reformers. She reconstructs this difficult, halting process, paying particular attention to public life and conflicts within the rural communities themselves. The author's approach is at once comparative and interdisciplinary, drawing from literature on national identity formation in Latin America, China, and Western Europe. The Nation in the Village combines anthropology, sociology, and literary criticism with economic, social, cultural, and political history.
Captured in this study are the complexity and fascination of one hundred and fifty years of Polish political, cultural, and socioeconmic history. The author traces the course of peasant emancipation in Poland from its beginnings during the Enlightenment to its aftermath in the cultural awakening of the peasantry during the half century prior to World War I and shows how the peasant question played a vital role in the struggle for independence in partitioned Poland. The book synthesizes, for the first time in any language, the work of leading Polish historians during the present century. It presents a clear analysis of the disintegration of the economic system based on serfdom and compulsory labor prevalent in feudal Poland and traces the emergence of modern capitalist conditions, including wage labor and independent property rights. Also analyzed is the role of foreign goverments in the emacipation process. The freeing of the serfs took place during a period when all or most of the country was under the rule of Russia, Prussia, or Austria. Although emancipation was due primarily to economic forces withing Poland, it was hastened by peasant resistance and the national struggle for political independence led by Polish patriots who demanded far-reaching social reforms. This comprehensive study provides valuable information not only to those with a particular interest in Poland but also to scholars concerned with the parallel problems in Russia andother Eastern Eurpean countries, to specialists in agrarian history, and to students of Eastern European history who lack adequate reading materials in English.