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In his own words, Alston went to war to defend his ownership of slaves. During the Civil War, Alston served under General John Hunt Morgan initially as his adjutant and later in command of a brigade. In 1864, Alston's strong sense of honor caused him to become disillusioned, by the robberies and depredations of Morgan's troops and he reported Morgan to authorities for not investigating them. Following the Civil War, Alston became a cotton farmer using freedmen, practiced law, and sold insurance. He later became an editor and owner of the Atlanta Herald and was responsible for bringing the famous journalist Henry Grady to the newspaper. Alston was also active in politics and the efforts to bring the Democrats back to power. In 1878, as a state representative from DeKalb County, he became chairman of the penitentiary committee. Reporting on the deplorable conditions in the convict camps that were leased by private companies Alston thus became the first man in Georgia to expose the enormities of the convict lease system. The owners included the most powerful men in the State-former governor Joseph Brown, the acting governor Alfred Colquitt, and senator and later governor John Gordon. As a result of his expose, Alston's life was threatened. Intrigue, bribery, and murder silenced Alston just as he was poised to become one of Georgia's most influential leaders. While his efforts did not result in abolishing the system immediately, he is credited with beginning its eventual demise. Book jacket.
In July 1861, just months after the Battle of Fort Sumter plunges the young nation into civil war, President Lincoln’s top priority is to unite the country, while Adam Quinn finds himself on the trail of a murderer . . . On Independence Day, the citizens of Washington, DC, are celebrating as if there isn’t a war. But the city is teeming with green Union recruits while President Lincoln and his War Department are focused on military strategy to take Richmond in Secessionist Virginia in order to bring the conflict to a swift end. Manassas, Virginia, near Bull Run Creek, is in their sights. The very next morning, as Congress convenes once more, a dead body is found hanging from the crane beneath the unfinished dome of the Capitol. Lincoln’s close confidant, Adam Speed Quinn, is called upon to determine whether the man had taken his own life, or if someone had helped him. With the assistance of Dr. George Hilton and journalist Sophie Gates, Quinn investigates what turns out to be murder. But the former scout is about to be blindsided, for a Southern sympathizer in the city is running a female spy network reporting to the Confederacy, and she has an insidious plot to foil the Union Army’s march to Manassas by employing the charms of one Constance Lemagne to get as close to Adam as possible . . .
A senator’s death sends shock waves through Washington, DC, in this mystery by the New York Times–bestselling author and presidential daughter. Sen. Cale Caldwell and his blue-blooded wife maintained a far-reaching and powerful grip on Capitol Hill society, but not powerful enough to save him from foul play. The influential senator’s life is cut short in brutal fashion at a glamorous reception held in his honor. It happens just two short years after tragedy struck the Caldwell family in the form of the unsolved murder of his niece, but when attorney Lydia James suggests a connection, she’s shut down, and fast. Who stands to benefit from the Caldwells’ tragedies, and James’s silence—the senator’s political rivals, the media, or perhaps even the family’s closest allies? “A dazzling series.” —The Atlanta Journal-Constitution “Murder on Capitol Hill proves that the author is much more than a one-term mystery writer . . . All the insider’s knowledge and gossip that made Murder in the White House so captivating.” —Booklist “Truman has settled firmly into a career of writing murder mysteries, all evoking brilliantly the Washington she knows so well.” —The Houston Post
New York Times bestselling author Phillip Margolin brings back reader favorites—private investigator Dana Cutler and lawyer Brad Miller—in CAPITOL MURDER, the thrilling new installment in Margolin’s Washington Trilogy. Readers were first introduced to Brad and Dana in Executive Privilege, where they unmasked the President’s involvement in serial murders. In Supreme Justice, Brad and Dana were able to save the life of a Supreme Court Justice while foiling a plot by rogue members of the CIA to fix a case headed for the Court. Now, in CAPITOL MURDER, Brad and Dana are reunited by wicked threats old and new. Convicted serial killer Clarence Little has escaped from death row in Oregon, and Brad receives threatening messages in DC, where he is working for Senator Jack Carson, a high-ranking member of the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence. A dead body, murdered according to Littl’es MO, is found in the senator’s Georgetown home, and Carson has disappeared. While Dana is in Oregon digging into Carson’s shady background, a terrorist cell is poised to destory a packed professional football stadium in one of the biggest attacks on American soil. As the senator’s personal life begins to dovetail with the cell’s eviil plan, Brad and Dana will risk it all again to uncover the truth and save their country. Phillip Margolin proves once more that he is a true master of suspense, delivering another high-octane thriller set in Washington’s legendary corridors of power. CAPITOL MURDER’s breathaking pace and electrifying twists will have old fans and newcomers racing to the final, stunning page.
Before constitutional regulation -- The Supreme Court steps in -- The invisibility of race in the constitutional revolution -- Between the Supreme Court and the states -- The failures of regulation -- An unsustainable system? -- Recurring patterns in constitutional regulation -- The future of the American death penalty -- Life after death
Murder Capital explores Prohibition-era Madison, Wisconsin. Per capita, Madison was the most violent and deadly city in the United States during the 1920s. Along with the usual suspects (bootleggers), Madison was unique in its strong Ku Klux Klan presence. In the background was a prominent judge, overseeing Mafia cases by day, but by night taking illegal loans from these very same criminals. In effect, the Judge tied his own hands and the violence was allowed to continue unabated.
This fourth edition of the first true textbook on the death penalty engages the reader with a full account of the arguments and issues surrounding capital punishment. The book begins with the history of the death penalty from colonial to modern times, and then examines the moral and legal arguments for and against capital punishment. It also provides an overview of major Supreme Court decisions and describes the legal process behind the death penalty. In addressing these issues, the author reviews recent developments in death penalty law and procedure, including ramifications of newer case law, such as that regarding using lethal injection as a method of execution. The author’s motivation has been to understand what motivates the "deathquest" of the American people, leading a large percentage of the public to support the death penalty. The book will educate readers so that whatever their death penalty opinions are, they are informed ones.
In a town where the weapon of choice is usually a well-aimed rumor, the strangling of Secretary of State Lansard Blaine in the Lincoln Bedroom is a gruesome first. White House counsel Ron Fairbanks is ordered to investigate. There are persistent rumors that the Secretary was an accomplished womanizer with ties to a glamorous call girl. There is also troubling evidence of unofficial connections with international wheeler-dealers. In death as in life, Blaine is a power to be reckoned with. For Fairbanks, who loves the President's daughter, one point is soon clear: only a few highly placed insiders had access to the Lincoln Bedroom that fateful evening. And one of them was the President. . . .
A collection of Courtney's columns from the Texas Monthly, curing the curious, exorcizing bedevilment, and orienting the disoriented, advising "on such things as: Is it wrong to wear your football team's jersey to church? When out at a dancehall, do you need to stick with the one that brung ya? Is it real Tex-Mex if it's served with a side of black beans? Can one have too many Texas-themed tattoos?"--Amazon.com.
Is capital punishment just? Does it deter people from murder? What is the risk that we will execute innocent people? These are the usual questions at the heart of the increasingly heated debate about capital punishment in America. In this bold and impassioned book, Austin Sarat seeks to change the terms of that debate. Capital punishment must be stopped, Sarat argues, because it undermines our democratic society. Sarat unflinchingly exposes us to the realities of state killing. He examines its foundations in ideas about revenge and retribution. He takes us inside the courtroom of a capital trial, interviews jurors and lawyers who make decisions about life and death, and assesses the arguments swirling around Timothy McVeigh and his trial for the bombing in Oklahoma City. Aided by a series of unsettling color photographs, he traces Americans' evolving quest for new methods of execution, and explores the place of capital punishment in popular culture by examining such films as Dead Man Walking, The Last Dance, and The Green Mile. Sarat argues that state executions, once used by monarchs as symbolic displays of power, gained acceptance among Americans as a sign of the people's sovereignty. Yet today when the state kills, it does so in a bureaucratic procedure hidden from view and for which no one in particular takes responsibility. He uncovers the forces that sustain America's killing culture, including overheated political rhetoric, racial prejudice, and the desire for a world without moral ambiguity. Capital punishment, Sarat shows, ultimately leaves Americans more divided, hostile, indifferent to life's complexities, and much further from solving the nation's ills. In short, it leaves us with an impoverished democracy. The book's powerful and sobering conclusions point to a new abolitionist politics, in which capital punishment should be banned not only on ethical grounds but also for what it does to Americans and what we cherish.