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How does the 2021 Indo-Pacific security arrangement Australia has entered into with the United Kingdom and the United States fit into Australia’s historical approach to its defence and foreign affairs policies? What experiences in the past have shaped Australia’s attitude to defence? Have these policies been influenced or even dictated by the public’s opinions and beliefs or have they been formulated mainly by politicians, diplomats, specialists and commentators and imposed on the populace, albeit gently, or perhaps stealthily? This book looks closely at the election campaigns of 1943, 1946 and 1949 when the threat of attack and even invasion had been very real and imminent and the security of the country was uppermost in many people’s minds; at how the political leaders and commentators presented their opinions and ideas on future national defence and foreign policy to a public that may or may not have been interested; and at how they argued it out amongst themselves, testing the waters, feeling their way into a new world order. And so, how much of Australia’s defence and foreign affairs stance is based on its history, its geographical position and the political nature of its neighbours, leading to the conclusion that it will be that way “forever”, and thereby clearly definable?
How does the 2021 Indo-Pacific security arrangement Australia has entered into with the United Kingdom and the United States fit into Australia's historical approach to its defence and foreign affairs policies? What experiences in the past have shaped Australia's attitude to defence? Have these policies been influenced or even dictated by the public's opinions and beliefs or have they been formulated mainly by politicians, diplomats, specialists and commentators and imposed on the populace, albeit gently, or perhaps stealthily? This book looks closely at the election campaigns of 1943, 1946 and 1949 when the threat of attack and even invasion had been very real and imminent and the security of the country was uppermost in many people's minds; at how the political leaders and commentators presented their opinions and ideas on future national defence and foreign policy to a public that may or may not have been interested; and at how they argued it out amongst themselves, testing the waters, feeling their way into a new world order. And so, how much of Australia's defence and foreign affairs stance is based on its history, its geographical position and the political nature of its neighbours, leading to the conclusion that it will be that way "forever", and thereby clearly definable?
Winner of the Northern California Book Award for Nonfiction "Both a serious work of history…and a marvelously readable dramatic narrative." —San Francisco Chronicle On the first Sunday in December 1941, an armada of Japanese warplanes appeared suddenly over Pearl Harbor, Hawaii, and devastated the U.S. Pacific Fleet. Six months later, in a sea fight north of the tiny atoll of Midway, four Japanese aircraft carriers were sent into the abyss, a blow that destroyed the offensive power of their fleet. Pacific Crucible—through a dramatic narrative relying predominantly on primary sources and eyewitness accounts of heroism and sacrifice from both navies—tells the epic tale of these first searing months of the Pacific war, when the U.S. Navy shook off the worst defeat in American military history to seize the strategic initiative.
The alternate timelines of Charles Stross' Empire Games trilogy have never been so entangled than in Invisible Sun—the techno-thriller follow up to Dark State—as stakes escalate in a conflict that could spell extermination for humanity across all known timelines. An inter-timeline coup d'état gone awry. A renegade British monarch on the run through the streets of Berlin. And robotic alien invaders from a distant timeline flood through a wormhole, wreaking havoc in the USA. Can disgraced worldwalker Rita and her intertemporal extraordaire agent of a mother neutralize the livewire contention before it's too late? At the Publisher's request, this title is being sold without Digital Rights Management Software (DRM) applied.
A Westerner's inside look into the workings of Chinese society. For six years, from 2005 to 2011, Australian JFK Miller worked in Shanghai for English-language publications censored by state publishers under the aegis of the Chinese Communist Party. In this wry memoir, he offers a view of that regime, as he saw it, as an outsider from the bottom up. Trickle-Down Censorship explores how censorship affected him, a Westerner who took free speech for granted. It is about how he learned censorship in a system where the rules are kept secret; it is about how he became his own Thought Police through self-censorship; it is about the peculiar relationship he developed with his censors, and the moral choices he made as a result of censorship and how, having made those choices, he viewed others. This is also the story of a re-emerging colossus - China, the world's most populous nation and one of its oldest civilizations - and how the Chinese relate to foreigners and the outside world. The so-called "clash of civilizations" is played out in the microcosm of JFK Miller's experience working under Chinese state censorship.
Black Hand Over Europe is an English translation of Henri Pozzi''s book ''La Guerre Revient'', originally written in French, and published in London in 1935. For nearly thirty years the author was a member of the French and English intelligence service in the Balkans and Central Europe, and for ten years was in charge of Le Temps'' Balkans Secret Service. He was the best qualified person to explain and predict the events that were to happen in the 1930s, which he described in his book ''War is Coming Again''. Pozzi''s book, Black Hand Over Europe, was written to warn the Western World of the dangers to which they would be exposed if they continued to support Serbia''s expansionist project. Based on the combined efforts of King Aleksandar Karađorđević, Serbian radical and extremist parties supported by individuals in the army, the Serbian Orthodox Church, paramilitary organizations, some with their legal and other secret terrorist wings, such as the "Black Hand" (Crna ruka), "Unity or Death" (Ujedinjenje ili smrt), "Slavic South" (Slavenski jug), "People''s Defense" (Narodna odbrana) etc. The author also surveys the political situation in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (SHS), renamed Yugoslavia in 1929, and shows how the Yugoslav state was created for the simple purpose of implementing Serbian domination over non-Serb nations within Yugoslavia, and infiltrating neighboring countries with secret agents. This book is distinguished by Pozzi''s excellent knowledge of the political situation in Central and South East Europe and represents a valuable testimony of his time. Following the suicide of Vojislav M. Petrović (a Montenegrin, ex-attache to the Yugoslav Legation in London, who had been preparing a small book on the history of the Sarajevo assassination in the light of the knowledge of the Pan-Serbian organization called the Black Hand), Mr. Francis Mott, a well-known English publisher, received a letter from Paris, claiming that Petrović''s death was only one in a long series of crimes committed by the Pan-Serbian terrorist organization Narodna Odbrana, which bore direct responsibility for the First World War. The author of the letter urged the publisher to print Petrović''s unfinished manuscript, along with Pozzi''s book, on the basis of the author''s personal experiences and sources of information, warning the English of the dangers all Europe would be exposed to if they continued supporting Serbian expansionist political parties. The Black Hand, Unity or Death and the other mentioned organizations with similar purposes trace their roots back to 1903 and the assassination of Serbian King Aleksandar Obrenović and his wife. At that time, born among the conspirators of that act, the idea of organizing a secret organization whose purpose would be to fight for the unity of all Serbs in Southeastern Europe, to live in the same state. The preparations for such an organization would continue until 1911, when the organization was formed under the leadership of D. Dimitrijević-Apis. At that time, the constitution and by-laws of the organization were made, as well as a seal and a flag. The flag showing a skull, two bones and a dagger. During the oath taking ceremony, they had on the table the flag, dagger, bomb and a bottle of poison. Members were required to take an oath, and should they fail to complete a given task, they were to drink the poison, otherwise they would be killed by the other members. In the constitution, when describing the unity of the Serbs, mentioned as Serbian provinces are: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Old Serbia, Macedonia, Croatia, Slavonia, Vojvodina and Primorje; areas where Serbs live and wanted to incorporate into Greater Serbia. From the time of publication of Pozzi''s books until today, the occurrences described in the Black Hand have been repeated on several times or occasions. Alarmingly, the situation today, with the "process of Western Balkans", is bone-chillingly similar!
World War II was the biggest and most destructive war in history. For two centuries wars had grown ever larger, with the use of more terrible weapons and rising casualties, culminating in the cataclysmic global events of 1939–45. And then, quite suddenly, large international wars have all but disappeared. What caused wars to grow in size to such an extent and then shrink so precipitously? Is this a permanent state of affairs or could big wars make a comeback? Lawyer and historian John P Storey explores these questions by looking at the evolution of military technology and tactics over the long history of warfare. From ancient bronze spears and chariots to World War II tanks and warplanes, from the nuclear weapons of the Cold War to the drones and robotics of the future, the changes in our methods of waging war has had, and will continue to have, a major impact on their size and destructiveness. The sobering conclusion Storey makes is that, based on past trends and the weapons in the pipeline for the future, there is a much higher risk of there being much bigger wars in the coming decades.
It is the late 1960s. Rebellion and "doing your own thing" is in. But while the majority of Australians flock to the beaches, one young man heads inland to find his patch of dirt and follow his dream. On the banks of Moonan Brook, surrounded by inhospitable and barely accessible bushland, a local on his horse stumbles across this twenty-three-year old with his inappropriate vehicle, a dog named Doggo, and a girlfriend sitting under a tree reading a book. He listens as the pale young city-slicker with a mannered accent tells him he wants to go bush. What drives him over the next fifty years to build and maintain a bush hut in challenging terrain will captivate the imagination as the dreamt-of patch materialises, a hut is built and grows, and the forest "tamed". Henry Lawson or Henry Thoreau? Along the way we catch glimpses of his fellow travellers who come and go over the years, each contributing in their own way to the fulfilment of one man's unwavering vision. Romances form and fade, friendships will span generations and continents. And through it all threads the forest: its plants, its creatures, its quiet power. Until finally, time dictates a letting go .…
Two of America's leading national security experts offer a definitive account of the global impact of COVID-19 and the political shock waves it will have on the United States and the world order in the 21st Century. “Informed by history, reporting, and a truly global perspective, this is an indispensable first draft of history and blueprint for how we can move forward.” —Ben Rhodes The COVID-19 pandemic killed millions, infected hundreds of millions, and laid bare the deep vulnerabilities and inequalities of our interconnected world. The accompanying economic crash was the worst since the Great Depression, with the International Monetary Fund estimating that it will cost over $22 trillion in global wealth over the next few years. Over two decades of progress in reducing extreme poverty was erased, just in the space of a few months. Already fragile states in every corner of the globe were further hollowed out. The brewing clash between the United States and China boiled over and the worldwide contest between democracy and authoritarianism deepened. It was a truly global crisis necessitating a collective response—and yet international cooperation almost entirely broke down, with key world leaders hardly on speaking terms. Colin Kahl and Thomas Wright's Aftershocks offers a riveting and comprehensive account of one of the strangest and most consequential years on record. Drawing on interviews with officials from around the world and extensive research, the authors tell the story of how nationalism and major power rivalries constrained the response to the worst pandemic in a century. They demonstrate the myriad ways in which the crisis exposed the limits of the old international order and how the reverberations from COVID-19 will be felt for years to come.