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Excerpt from Mr. Chamberlain's Speeches, Vol. 2: With an Introduction by the Right Hon. Austen Chamberlain, M. P About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.
Brexit is likely to lead to the largest shift in Britain's economic orientation in living memory. Some have argued that leaving the EU will enable Britain to revive markets in Commonwealth countries with which it has long-standing historical ties. Their opponents maintain that such claims are based on forms of imperial nostalgia which ignore the often uncomfortable historical trade relations between Britain and these countries, as well as the UK's historical role as a global, rather than chiefly imperial, economy. Forging a British World of Trade explores how efforts to promote a 'British World' system, centred on promoting trade between Britain and the Dominions, grew and declined in influence between the 1880s and 1970s. At the beginning of the twentieth century many people from London, to Sydney, Auckland, and Toronto considered themselves to belong to culturally British nations. British politicians and business leaders invested significant resources in promoting trade with Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and South Africa out of a perception that these were great markets of the future. However, ideas about promoting trade between 'British' peoples were racially exclusive. From the 1920s onwards, colonized and decolonizing populations questioned and challenged the basis of British World networks, making use of alternative forms of international collaboration promoted firstly by the League of Nations, and then by the United Nations. Schemes for imperial collaboration amongst ethnically 'British' peoples were hollowed out by the actions of a variety of political and business leaders across Asia and Africa who reshaped the functions and identity of the Commonwealth.
Democracy and Political Culture: Studies in Modern British History attempts to give a total picture of the political-social culture of Great Britain in the twentieth century. To do so it chooses a number of particular subjects which nonetheless stand for this culture as a whole, and which together allow us to reach a number general conclusions about modern British history. In this sense it is a successor to McKibbin's previous collection of essays, The Ideologies of Class (1991), while it also takes up a number of the themes of his Classes and Cultures (1998). Above all, it is a study of British democracy and asks the questions: what does it mean to describe Britain as a democratic society and how might we measure it against other comparable societies? To do so, McKibbin has chosen not only more 'global' subjects - Britain's social structure and the sources of political authority; the social and political effects of the first world war; Britain's electoral and party system; its literary culture; its sporting culture, and the relation of that culture to the rest of the world, as well as to Britain itself; and a comparison of Britain's political culture with one of the closest comparable societies, Australia, and what that tells us about Britain - but also individual studies of three men, very prominent in British life, who, in different ways, both contributed to Britain's political culture and were also students of it: J.M. Keynes, an economist, Harold Nicolson, a politician and writer, and A.J. Cronin, a novelist. All three represented British political culture in its broadest spectrum.
How do statesmen become aware of unfavorable shifts in relative power, and how do they seek to respond to them? These are puzzles of considerable importance to theorists of international relations. As national decline has become an increasingly prominent theme in American political debate, these questions have also taken on an immediate, pressing significance. The Weary Titan is a penetrating study of a similar controversy in Britain at the turn of the twentieth century. Drawing on a wide variety of sources, Aaron Friedberg explains how England's rulers failed to understand and respond to the initial evidence of erosion in their country's industrial, financial, naval, and military power. The British example suggests that statesmen may be slow to recognize shifts in international position, in part because they rely heavily on simple but often distorting indicators of relative capabilities. In a new afterword, Friedberg examines current debates about whether America is in decline, arguing that American power will remain robust for some time to come.
Winston Churchill and Austen Chamberlain both entered Parliament with inherited Unionist views. However, changing political circumstances in Britain and Ireland led them to change their stance and adopt policies that would have been anathema to their fathers.
Cruel Habitations (1974) looks at the pre-industrial background in which housing problems are rooted, with the decay of towns and the unsuccessful attempts to better their condition by public health reforms, by charitable agencies and by building societies – and with legislative action in Parliament towards housing reform.
A biography of Gouverneur Morris (1752-1816) by his granddaughter, making extensive use of his letters and diary.