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'The book offers a broad survey of political parties’ financing strategies in Southeast Asia.'Contemporary Southeast AsiaPolitical activities, the running of party organisations, branches and headquarters, and especially election campaigns, are becoming increasingly costly, and no party can survive without money. Political power provides access to funding from public and private sources. Political parties have become more and more like businesses, including the temptation to maximise the income and the war chests, thus opening the doors for vested interests and influence peddling. As a result, money politics is pervasive, and the public is becoming increasingly critical of it. Trust in political parties, politicians, governments, and key state institutions has fallen to unprecedented levels. In most countries in the region general and political corruption, graft, and influence peddling are all too visible for the voters, while good governance remains an ideal too often out of reach.This book, Power Broking in the Shade: Party Finances and Money Politics in Southeast Asia, provides an overview of the strategies for financial survival of the parties in the region and the importance of stable cash flows for their political success. The book fills the void of a comparative approach towards party financing that covers the whole of ASEAN and offers accessible facts and understandable analysis for anyone interested in the politics of Southeast Asia.
The results of Malaysia's 14th General Elections of May 2018 were unexpected and transformative. Against conventional wisdom, the newly reconfigured opposition grouping Pakatan Harapan (PH) decisively defeated the incumbent Barisan Nasional (BN), ending six decades of uninterrupted dominant one-party rule. Despite a long-running financial scandal dogging the ruling coalition, pollsters and commentators predicted a solid BN victory or, at least, a narrow parliamentary majority. Yet, on the day, deeply rooted political dynamics and influential actors came together, sweeping aside many prevailing assumptions and reconfiguring the country's political reality in the process. In order to understand the elections and their implications, this edited volume brings together contributions from ISEAS - Yusof Ishak Institute researchers and a group of selected collaborators to examine the elections from three angles: campaign dynamics; important trends among major interest groups; and local-level dynamics and developments in key states. This analytical work is complemented by personal narratives from a selection of GE-14 participants.
The results of Malaysia’s 14th General Elections of May 2018 were unexpected and transformative. Against conventional wisdom, the newly reconfigured opposition grouping Pakatan Harapan (PH) decisively defeated the incumbent Barisan Nasional (BN), ending six decades of uninterrupted dominant one-party rule. Despite a long-running financial scandal dogging the ruling coalition, pollsters and commentators predicted a solid BN victory or, at least, a narrow parliamentary majority. Yet, on the day, deeply rooted political dynamics and influential actors came together, sweeping aside many prevailing assumptions and reconfiguring the country’s political reality in the process. In order to understand the elections and their implications, this edited volume brings together contributions from ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute researchers and a group of selected collaborators to examine the elections from three angles: campaign dynamics; important trends among major interest groups; and local-level dynamics and developments in key states. This analytical work is complemented by personal narratives from a selection of GE-14 participants.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
On 9th May 2018, Malaysia underwent a transformative election, as the party that has dominated the government for six decades, “Pertubuhan Kebansaan Melayu Bersatu” (UMNO – United Malays National Organisation), and their “Barisan Nasional” (BN - National Front) coalition, lost for the first time since Malaysian independence. The new government, formed by the “Pakatan Harapan” (PH - Alliance of Hope) coalition, faces serious obstacles in realising a meaningful transformation. This paper will argue that BN, and particularly the main party, UMNO, has faced weakening legitimacy over the previous two decades. As will be demonstrated, this shift finally resulted in their election loss as this weakening was exacerbated by perceptions surrounding corruption scandals. Corruption has been a part of Malaysian society, and particularly the political arena, for many years. What is different in this election, however, is that the public are more aware of, and concerned about, scandals such One Malaysian Development Berhad (1MDB) and SRC International. This concern and awareness comes from five factors; a) the scale of corruption; b) the scale of personal enrichment on the behalf of political leaders; c) a stagnation in quality of living and unpopular economic policies; d) the international dimension and the potential role of foreign money; and e) the role of social media in propagating these issues. This decline in legitimacy came at a time when the opposition was particularly well organised. The strength of the PH opposition, with reform minded leaders such as Anwar Ibrahim, Wan Azizah and Lim Guen Eng under Former Prime Minister Dr. Mahathir’s leadership, allowed PH to capitalise on UMNO’s misfortunes. Their future success, however, depends on their ability to ‘bury-the-hatchet’ and work together despite potential difficulties and problematic relationships in the past.
At the end of the last century, political marketing appeared to have become a global phenomenon with an increasing number of electoral campaigns resembling those of the United States. Comparative research has shown the existence of a so-called 'Americanization' of election campaign practices. This book examines the nature of electoral campaigns in East and Southeast Asia. Based on the analyses of developments in Japan, Taiwan, South Korea, Malaysia, and the Philippines, it examines whether there is an 'Asian style' of election campaigning. Contributing to the fields of media studies and comparative politics, the book offers an insight into the various changes in election campaigning that occurred in the East and Southeast Asia during the process of democratization and modernization. It sheds new light on the causes and consequences of the worldwide proliferation of US election campaigning and provides the academic world with previously unpublished material on the electoral strategies of Asian political parties.
Johor is a key battleground in Malaysia’s 14th General Elections. The state is economically vital to the country: it is the birthplace of the United Malays National Organization (UMNO); and it has a large number of parliamentary seats. Johor-specific dynamics that have worked to the advantage of the ruling coalition include: UMNO’s unique links with the state; the tight control over religion; and the phenomenal scale and success of the Federal Land Development Authority (FELDA) scheme. Despite these advantages, support for the ruling coalition has been slipping across the state. Furthermore, the emergence of new parties such as Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (PPBM) will challenge Barisan Nasional’s control over Johor’s rural and Malay heartland. The redelineation of parliamentary and state constituencies now underway is however likely to benefit BN, and recent survey data indicate that Johoreans are yet to be attracted to the reconfigured opposition coalition, Pakatan Harapan. Thus, while BN may suffer a drop in support, it is likely to retain power in Johor.
Malaysia pulled itself back from the brink on 9 May 2018. That day the majority of its voting population decided to topple the Barisan Nasional government that had been in power for over 60 years and that had come to be seen as corrupt beyond redemption, and incompetent to boot. Lined up against the unpopular administration of Najib Razak was a coalition led by former strongman Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, who at the age of 92 had decided to return to Malaysian politics to stop the rot which many believed had begun during his earlier period in power, in 1981-2003. As the oldest prime minister in world history, he is now setting about creating structure that he believes will lead to a Malaysia that will achieve the Vision 2020 that he first propounded in 1991. This vision dovetails with the ideals of the highly influential Reformasi Movement which was ignited by the sacking of his deputy, Anwar Ibrahim, in 1998. This compilation of insightful analyses is Ooi Kee Beng’s seventh, and discusses key events from the last five years leading up to 9 May 2018 and beyond. These seven books together cover the strange period we may come to know as the Inter-Mahathir Era, and the present volume discusses some of the challenges facing the new government, and the Malaysian population in general, now that the Barisan Nasional has imploded.