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This volume offers an up-to-date overview of the much-debated issue of how a democracy may defend itself against those who want to subvert it. The justifications, effectiveness and legal implications of militant democracy are discussed by addressing questions as: How can militant democracy measures such as party bans be justified? Why is it that some democracies ban antidemocratic parties? Does militant democracy succeed in combatting right-wing extremism? And is militant democracy evolving into an internationalized legal and political concept? Bringing together experts and perspectives from political science, law and philosophy, this volume advances our understanding of the current threats to democracy, a political system once thought almost invincible. It is especially timely in the light of the rise of illiberal democracy in the EU, the increasingly authoritarian rule in Turkey, the steady shift to autocracy in Russia and the remarkable election of Trump in the US.
This book aims to present a comprehensive theory of militant democracy and to answer questions such as: How can a democracy protect itself against its own downfall? And when is intervention against antidemocrats justified? Against the backdrop of historical and current examples, this book examines a variety of theories from philosophers and legal scholars such as Karl Loewenstein, Karl Popper and Carl Schmitt as well as contemporary alternatives. It compares their interpretations of democracy and militant democracy, discusses how helpful these references are, and introduces two largely forgotten theorists to the militant democracy debate: George van den Bergh and Milan Markovitch. Militant Democracy then sets out to build a novel theory of democratic self-defence on the basis of democracy’s capacity for self-correction. In doing so, it addresses the more classic and current criticisms of the concept, while paying specific attention to the position of the judge, the legal design and effectiveness of party bans, and the national and supranational procedural safeguards that can safeguard the careful application of militant democracy instruments. Militant Democracy seamlessly combines political philosophy, political science and constitutional law to offer a new perspective on democratic self-defence. This book is essential reading for scholars and students of political theory, jurisprudence, democracy, extremism and the history of ideas.
How should pro-democratic forces safeguard representative government from anti-democratic forces? By granting rights of participation to groups that do not share democratic values, democracies may endanger the very rights they have granted; but denying these rights may also undermine democratic values. Alexander Kirshner offers a set of principles for determining when one may reasonably refuse rights of participation, and he defends this theory through real-world examples, ranging from the far-right British Nationalist Party to Turkey’s Islamist Welfare Party to America’s Democratic Party during Reconstruction.
This book is a collection of contributions by leading scholars on theoretical and contemporary problems of militant democracy. The term 'militant democracy' was first coined in 1937. In a militant democracy preventive measures are aimed, at least in practice, at restricting people who would openly contest and challenge democratic institutions and fundamental preconditions of democracy like secularism - even though such persons act within the existing limits of, and rely on the rights offered by, democracy. In the shadow of the current wars on terrorism, which can also involve rights restrictions, the overlapping though distinct problem of militant democracy seems to be lost, notwithstanding its importance for emerging and established democracies. This volume will be of particular significance outside the German-speaking world, since the bulk of the relevant literature on militant democracy is in the German language. The book is of interest to academics in the field of law, political studies and constitutionalism.
International Studies Library Which measures may a state undertake when its very existence is threatened? Can it suspend the democratic legal order, may it prohibit undemocratic political parties, can it withhold fundamental constitutional rights from those who intend to abuse them? Or, in case of an external threat, may the state use force in anticipatory self-defense? In addressing these issues, two legal-philosophical doctrines play a crucial role, namely: the state of exception and militant democracy. Unlike other books, this book offers an interdisciplinary approach to both doctrines by a variety of international scholars. The state of exception and militant democracy are viewed from a legal-philosophical, legal-positivist and sociological perspective, thereby creating a broad perspective on how states actually deal and how they should deal with diverse threats to their (democratic) existence. TABLE OF CONTENTS Abbreviations Chapter I: Introduction: The State of Exception and Militant Democracy in a Time of Terror - Afshin Ellian and Gelijn Molier Chapter II: The State of Exception in a Time of Terror - Afshin Ellian Chapter III: Dutch Counterterrorism: An Exceptional Body of Legislation or Just an Inevitable Product of the Culture of Control? - Maartje van der Woude Chapter IV: Framing the Exception. Securitization in the Netherlands - Beatrice de Graaf and Renee Frissen Chapter V: On Emergency-Proof Human Rights and Emergency-Proof: Human Rights Procedures - Jan-Peter Loof Chapter VI: The State of Exception and Necessity under International Law - Gelijn Molier Chapter VII: The Foundations of Militant Democracy - Paul Cliteur and Bastiaan Rijpkema Chapter VIII: 'Militant Democracy' and State of Emergency in Germany - Markus Thiel Chapter IX: Democracy, Freedom of Speech and the Twin Challenges of the Exception - Quoc Loc Hong Bibliography Index About the Editors Afshin Ellian is professor of Social Cohesion, Citizenship and Multiculturalism at the Institute for the Interdisciplinary Study of the Law at Leiden University, has published extensively on terrorism and radical Islam. Gelijn Molier is a lecturer at the Leiden Law Faculty, Department of Philosophy of Law and Jurisprudence. His main field of research pertains to the law of peace and security, in particular questions relating to the legitimacy of the use of force in international relations.
Can defensive efforts that curtail rights of participation of antidemocratic movements be consistent with democratic values? In this collection of essays, scholars from across politics, philosophy and law address the unresolved practical and theoretical questions concerning democracy and extremism.
This collection provides an up-to-date analysis of key country approaches to Militant Democracy. Featuring contributions from some of the key people working in this area, including Mark Tushnet and Helen Irving, each chapter presents a stocktaking of the legal measures to protect the democracy against its enemies within. In addition to providing a description of the country's view of Militant Democracy and the current situation, it also examines the legal and political provisions to defend the democratic structure against attacks. The discussion also presents proposals for the development of the Militant Democracy principle or its alternatives in policy and legal practice. In the final chapter the editor compares the different arrangements and formulates a minimum consensus as to what measures are indispensable to protect a democracy. Highly topical, this book is a valuable resource for students, academics and policy-makers concerned with democratic principles.
How ideas, individuals, and political traditions from Weimar Germany molded the global postwar order The Weimar Century reveals the origins of two dramatic events: Germany's post–World War II transformation from a racist dictatorship to a liberal democracy, and the ideological genesis of the Cold War. Blending intellectual, political, and international histories, Udi Greenberg shows that the foundations of Germany’s reconstruction lay in the country’s first democratic experiment, the Weimar Republic (1918–33). He traces the paths of five crucial German émigrés who participated in Weimar’s intense political debates, spent the Nazi era in the United States, and then rebuilt Europe after a devastating war. Examining the unexpected stories of these diverse individuals—Protestant political thinker Carl J. Friedrich, Socialist theorist Ernst Fraenkel, Catholic publicist Waldemar Gurian, liberal lawyer Karl Loewenstein, and international relations theorist Hans Morgenthau—Greenberg uncovers the intellectual and political forces that forged Germany’s democracy after dictatorship, war, and occupation. In restructuring German thought and politics, these émigrés also shaped the currents of the early Cold War. Having borne witness to Weimar’s political clashes and violent upheavals, they called on democratic regimes to permanently mobilize their citizens and resources in global struggle against their Communist enemies. In the process, they gained entry to the highest levels of American power, serving as top-level advisors to American occupation authorities in Germany and Korea, consultants for the State Department in Latin America, and leaders in universities and philanthropic foundations across Europe and the United States. Their ideas became integral to American global hegemony. From interwar Germany to the dawn of the American century, The Weimar Century sheds light on the crucial ideas, individuals, and politics that made the trans-Atlantic postwar order.
The justification of political authority is one of the long-standing issues of political philosophy, and one which persistently defies satisfactory solution. In this paperback edition of a highly successful study, Professor Martin sets out to provide an original justification by establishing a background framework for dealing with the problem. He begins by identifying the main elements of political authority, arguing that they need to be linked in order to create a political authority that can be described as justified. He then sketches a framework - a sample system of political institutions and conceptions which is internally coherent - to link these elements. The rest of the book fills in this outline. Professor Martin argues that rights are established patterns of acting or of being treated and are hence essentially institutional in character. The institutions that tend to be the most supportive and productive of individual rights are, he believes, democratic, and the central section of the book is devoted to the connection of rights with majority rule, democratic political institutions and conceptions. From this nexus, secondary lines are traced to political obligation (or allegiance) and to an eligible justification for using punishment to enforce the rights of individuals. Thus Professor Martin's analysis forms a distinctive and systematic approach to one particular style of government. This rethinking of some of the main topics in political theory is long overdue; it yields some striking conclusions about both the nature of rights and the nature of political authority itself. Reviews for the hardback edition: `analytical political theory at its best...thoroughly worked through, illuminating, and persuasive' Political Studies `he dicusses knowledgeably yet imaginatively one sort of political and legal system...I unreservedly assert that his institutional conception of rights deserves to be taken seriously as a very plausible alternative to the more familiar theories of Hart, Feinberg, Dworkin and Raz. Equally important are his discussions of the nature of democracy and the internal justification of punishment. Most impressive of all is his detailed demonstration of the internal coherence of the system of rights sketched in this book' Ethics `his book is valuable for presenting a distinctively political view of rights...the book is impressively scholarly, with references, when relevant, to most of the voluminous literature on rights. In this respect A System of Rights is a model work of philosophy: at once thoroughly steeped in the literature on its topic and rising above that literature to propose a novel, distinctive view' Mind `a rewarding and impressive book, which deals with a wide range of issues central to political philosophy in an interesting and original way. In this carefully argued examination and justification of a particular political system, Rex Martin offers an original account of rights, and links these rights with other political conceptions and institutions...to forms what he calls a "system of rights"...his discussion is rich and nuanced, and provides the philosophical groundwork for clearer thinking about the difficult and elusive relationship between rights and democracy' Canadian Journal of Political Science `What makes Martin's book so trenchant is that it can be read with great profit from different points of view...The broad scope and provocative arguments of Martin's work assure that it will be a focal point in philosophically-orientated debate on rights' Ratio Juris `Rex Martin has written the most important analysis and justification of political authority and obligation since T. H. Green's Lectures on the Principles of Political Obligation... [A System of Rights is] rich in argument and unorthodox conclusions' Gerald F. Gaus, Philosophy and Phenomenological Research
Democracy is in decline, largely because of the legal actions of anti-democratic actors working within the system. Incorporating the work of John Rawls and Carl Schmitt, Democracy despite Itself argues that tactics of militant democracy, including constitutional entrenchment, offer protection against the dissolution of liberal democracy.