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Being part of a violent community in revolt can be addictive--it can be fun. This book offers a fascinating inside look at present-day political violence in Pakistan through a historical ethnography of the Muhajir Qaumi Movement (MQM), one of the most remarkable and successful religious nationalist movements in postcolonial South Asia. The MQM has mobilized much of the "migrant" (Muhajir) population in Karachi and other urban centers in southern Pakistan and has fomented large-scale ethnic-religious violence. Oskar Verkaaik argues that urban youth see it as an irresistible opportunity for "fun." Drawing on both anthropological fieldwork, including participatory observation among political militants, and historical analyses of state formation, nation-building, and the ethnicization of Islam since 1947, he provides an absorbing and important contribution to theoretical debates about political--religious and nationalist--violence. Migrants and Militants brings together two perspectives on political violence. Recent studies on ethnic cleansing, genocide, terrorism, and religious violence have emphasized processes of identification and purification. Verkaaik combines these insights with a focus on urban youth culture, in which masculinity, physicality, and the performance of violence are key values. He shows that only through fun and absurdity can a nascent movement transgress the dominant discourse to come of its own. Using these observations, he considers violence as a ludic practice, violence as "martyrdom" and sacrifice, and violence as "terrorism" and resistance.
The question of migration has come to dominate the news agenda in many countries, but what does the word ‘migrant’ really mean today and how should we respond to those who are labelled ‘migrants’? In this short book Alain Badiou argues that our way of thinking about migration should be governed both by an ethical duty to welcome the migrant in the name of hospitality and also by the urgent need to put an end to the global capitalist oligarchy that has produced the migrant as a figure of contemporary crisis. For the ‘migrant,’ argues Badiou, is in fact a nomadic proletarian. Today, our homeland is the world, and any meaningful politics must include those who come to us and who represent the universal nomadic proletariat. Writing with the rigor, clarity, and polemical flair that have made him one of the world’s most influential philosophers, and drawing on a rich body of material including contemporary poetry and the words of an anonymous migrant, Badiou develops a powerful riposte to those who have stoked the fear of migrants and exploited the migration question for political ends.
This book explores the links between militancy and migration, two movements that transformed the socio-political landscape of late 20th-century Punjab. Re-analysing existing writings and drawing on fieldwork and local history archives, it presents a different framework to analyse the politics and social history of Punjab.
" Conventional political theory holds that the sovereign state is the legitimate source of order and provider of public services in any society, whether democratic or not. But Hezbollah and ISIS in the Middle East, pirate clans in Africa, criminal gangs in South America, and militias in Southeast Asia are examples of nonstate actors that control local territory and render public services that the nation-state cannot or will not provide. This fascinating book takes the reader around the world to areas where national governance has broken down—or never really existed. In these places, the vacuum has been filled by local gangs, militias, and warlords, some with ideological or political agendas and others focused primarily on economic gain. Many of these actors have substantial popularity and support among local populations and have developed their own enduring institutions, often undermining the legitimacy of the national state. The authors show that the rest of the world has more than a passing interest in these situations, in part because transborder crime and terrorism often emerge but also because failed states threaten international interests from trade to security. This book also poses, and offers answers for, the question: How should the international community respond to local orders dominated by armed nonstate actors? In many cases outsiders have taken the short-term route—accepting unsavory local actors out of expediency—but at the price of long-term instability or damage to human rights and other considerations. From Africa and the Middle East to Asia and Latin America, the local situations highlighted in this book are, and will remain, high on today's international agenda. The book makes a unique contribution to global understanding of how those situations developed and what can be done about them. This title is part of the Geopolitics in the 21st Century series. "
Synthesizing political, anthropological and psychological perspectives, this book addresses the everyday causes and appeal of long-term involvement in extreme political violence in urban Pakistan. Taking Pakistan’s ethno nationalist Mohajir party, the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) as a case study, it explores how certain men from the ethnic community of Mohajirs are recruited to the roles and statuses of political killers, and sustain violence as a primary social identity and lifestyle over a period of some years. By drawing on detailed fieldwork in areas involved in the Karachi conflict, the author contributes to understandings of violence, tracing the development of violent aspects of Mohajir nationalism via an exploration of political and cultural contexts of Pakistan’s history, and highlighting the repetitive homology of the conflict with the earlier violence of Partition. Through a local comparison of ethnic and religious militancy she also updates the current situation of social and cultural change in Karachi, which is dominantly framed in terms of Islamist radicalization and modernization. In her examination, governance and civil society issues are integrated with the political and psychological dimensions of mobilization processes and violence at micro-, meso- and macro- levels. This book injects a critical and innovative voice into the ongoing debates about the nature and meaning of radicalization and violence, as well as the specific implications it has for similar, contemporary conflicts in Pakistan and the developing world.
FINALIST FOR THE BOOKER PRIZE & WINNER OF THE L.A. TIMES BOOK PRIZE FOR FICTION and THE ASPEN WORDS LITERARY PRIZE “It was as if Hamid knew what was going to happen to America and the world, and gave us a road map to our future… At once terrifying and … oddly hopeful.” —Ayelet Waldman, The New York Times Book Review “Moving, audacious, and indelibly human.” —Entertainment Weekly, “A” rating The New York Times bestselling novel: an astonishingly visionary love story that imagines the forces that drive ordinary people from their homes into the uncertain embrace of new lands, from the author of The Reluctant Fundamentalist and the forthcoming The Last White Man. In a country teetering on the brink of civil war, two young people meet—sensual, fiercely independent Nadia and gentle, restrained Saeed. They embark on a furtive love affair, and are soon cloistered in a premature intimacy by the unrest roiling their city. When it explodes, turning familiar streets into a patchwork of checkpoints and bomb blasts, they begin to hear whispers about doors—doors that can whisk people far away, if perilously and for a price. As the violence escalates, Nadia and Saeed decide that they no longer have a choice. Leaving their homeland and their old lives behind, they find a door and step through. . . . Exit West follows these remarkable characters as they emerge into an alien and uncertain future, struggling to hold on to each other, to their past, to the very sense of who they are. Profoundly intimate and powerfully inventive, it tells an unforgettable story of love, loyalty, and courage that is both completely of our time and for all time.
Ours is an era marked by extraordinary human migrations, with some 200 million people alive today having moved from their country of origin. The political reaction in Europe and the United States has been to raise the drawbridge: immigrant workers are needed, but no longer welcome. So migrants die in trucks or drown en route; they are murdered in smuggling operations or ruthlessly exploited in illegal businesses that make it impossible for the abused to seek police help. More than 15,000 people have died in the last twenty years trying to circumvent European entry restrictions. In this beautifully written book, Jeremy Harding draws haunting portraits of the migrants – and anti-immigrant zealots – he encountered in his investigations in Europe and on the US–Mexico border. Harding’s painstaking research and global perspective identify the common characteristics of immigration policy across the rich world and raise pressing questions about the future of national boundaries and universal values.
States claim the right to choose who can come to their country. They put up barriers and expose migrants to deadly journeys. Those who survive are labelled ‘illegal’ and find themselves vulnerable and unrepresented. The international state system advantages the lucky few born in rich countries and locks others into poor and often repressive ones. In this book, Christopher Bertram skilfully weaves a lucid exposition of the debates in political philosophy with original insights to argue that migration controls must be justifiable to everyone, including would-be and actual immigrants. Until justice prevails, states have no credible right to exclude and no-one is obliged to obey their immigration rules. Bertram’s analysis powerfully cuts through the fog of political rhetoric that obscures this controversial topic. It will be essential reading for anyone interested in the politics and ethics of migration.
The essays in Coming Home? examine the unique return migration experiences of refugees, migrants, and various others as they confront social pressures and sense of displacement.
Facing discrimination from fellow members in unions, organizations, and political parties, Militant Puerto Ricans tells the story of how Puerto Ricans in the United States participated in traditional politics, while creating clandestine organizations. By 1965, Puerto Ricans had created over six-hundred different political and communal organizations, with different approaches, methods, and tactics. Many organizations focused on improving conditions in Puerto Rican communities, and others aimed at freeing Puerto Rico from its colonial status. Militant Puerto Ricans focuses on the formation and the strategies of the Young Lords Party (YLP), the Puerto Rican Socialist Party (PSP), the Puerto Rican National Left Movement (or the "Comité MINP"), the Puerto Rican Student Union (PRSU), the Fuerzas Armadas de Liberación Nacional (FALN), the Nationalist Party (PN) and the Puerto Rican Independence Party (PIP). Militant Puerto Ricans tells the story of how leaders and activists who belonged to these organizations, constantly travelled between Puerto Rico and the U.S., strengthening the bonds between activists and organizations in and outside Puerto Rico. Additionally, Militant Puerto Ricans tells us the story of how clandestine organizations, such as the FALN and the Macheteros, organized to make others conscious about Puerto Rico's colonial status. Militant Puerto Ricans' timeline starts in 1868, when Puerto Ricans rebelled against the Spanish colonial government in "El Grito de Lares." After El Grito, rebel bands in Puerto Rico continued their resistance by assaulting landowners, burning their fields, and destroying credit books. These bands were known as the "Tiznados," who despite their efforts, did not organize into a large-scale revolutionary movement. Puerto Rico would not see a large revolutionary movement until the 1930s, when Pedro Albizu Campos was elected the president of the Nationalist Party, a working-class movement that threatened corporate and colonial powers. The U.S. fought the Nationalist Party by implementing a Gag Law, they tortured and executed Nationalists, and shot peaceful protesters. Facing violent oppression from the colonial government, the armed struggle became clandestine. The Chicago-based Armed Forces of National Liberation (FALN) and the Boricua Popular Army (EPB) [otherwise known as the "Macheteros"] took command. They attacked and destroyed banks, oil pipelines, military equipment, and federal offices. Their aim was not to overthrow the government, but to protest Puerto Rico's colonial status. The FBI and Puerto Rican police's tactics against activists were vicious and brutal. Besides their assassinations of activists without due process, one of the most shocking facts this chapter reports on was how a bomb was planted in the Puerto Rican Socialist Party's daycare center. It was only after 150,000 dossiers on independence supporters were revealed to the public in the late 1980s, that the FBI scaled back its vicious assassination campaign. Instead, their tactics shifted to harassment of key individuals, infiltration of activist organizations and a massive media brainwashing campaign to demonize leftist militant tactics.Militant Puerto Ricans concludes with a chapter on the lives of Pedro Albizu Campos' revolutionary disciples. In 1999, the U.S. released twelve Puerto Rican political prisoners after a massive protest took place in the island. Puerto Rico received them with hugs, ovations, and parades. Michael González-Cruz tells us that these revolutionaries were radicalized by the tragic circum-stances of their nation, their communities, and their reality. In the United States, many became radicalized when they witnessed the police and FBI violently repress the Black Panther Party. Puerto Ricans who have been born and raised in the United States have faced racism and discrimination to this day. Our militants have fought for liberation, occupied buildings and rescued their history.