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Economic and social difficulties at the beginning of the 20th century caused many Japanese to emigrate to Brazil. The situation was reversed in the 1980s as a result of economic downturn in Brazil and labour shortages in Japan. This book examines the construction and reconstruction of the ethnic identities of people of Japanese descent, firstly in the process of emigration to Brazil up to the 1980s, and secondly in the process of return migration to Japan in the 1990s. The closed nature of Japan's social history means that the effect of return migration' can clearly be seen. Japan is to some extent a unique sociological specimen owing to the absence of any tradition of receiving immigrants. This book is first of all about migration, but also covers the important related issues of ethnic identity and the construction of ethnic communities. It addresses the issues from the dual perspective of Japan and Brazil. The findings suggest that mutual contact has led neither to a state of conflict nor to one of peaceful coexistence, but rather to an assertion of difference. It is argued that the Nikkeijin consent strategically to the social definitions imposed upon their identities and that the issue of the Nikkeijin presence is closely related to the emerging diversity of Japanese society.
São Paulo, Brazil, holds the largest number of Japanese descendants outside Japan, and they have been there for six generations. Japanese immigration to Brazil started in 1908 to replace European immigrants to work in São Paulo’s expanding coffee industry. It peaked in the late 1920s and early 1930s as anti-Japanese sentiment grew in Brazil. Approximately 189,000 Japanese entered Brazil by 1942 in mandatory family units. After the war, prewar immigrants and their descendants became quickly concentrated in São Paulo City. Immigration from Japan resumed in 1952, and by 1993 some 54,000 immigrants arrived in Brazil. By 1980, the majority of Japanese Brazilians had joined the urban middle class and many had been mixed racially. In the mid-1980s, Japanese Brazilians’ “return” labor migrations to Japan began on a large scale. More than 310,000 Brazilian citizens were residing in Japan in June 2008, when the centenary of Japanese immigration was widely celebrated in Brazil. The story does not end there. The global recession that started in 2008 soon forced unemployed Brazilians in Japan and their Japanese-born children to return to Brazil. Based on her research in Brazil and Japan, Mieko Nishida challenges the essentialized categories of “the Japanese” in Brazil and “Brazilians” in Japan, with special emphasis on gender. Nishida deftly argues that Japanese Brazilian identity has never been a static, fixed set of traits that can be counted and inventoried. Rather it is about being and becoming, a process of identity in motion responding to the push-and-pull between being positioned and positioning in a historically changing world. She examines Japanese immigrants and their descendants’ historically shifting sense of identity, which comes from their experiences of historical changes in socioeconomic and political structure in both Brazil and Japan. Each chapter illustrates how their identity is perpetually in formation, across generation, across gender, across class, across race, and in the movement of people between nations. Diaspora and Identity makes an important contribution to the understanding of the historical development of ethnic, racial, and national identities; as well as construction of the Japanese diaspora in Brazil and its response to time, place, and circumstances.
DIVA multidisciplinary study of the transnational cultural identity of Brazilian nationals of Japanese descent and their more recent attempts to re-settle in Japan./div
With an immigrant population currently estimated at roughly 280,000, Japanese Brazilians are now the second largest group of foreigners in Japan. Although they are of Japanese descent, most were born in Brazil and are culturally Brazilian. As a result, they have become Japan's newest ethnic minority. Drawing upon close to two years of multisite fieldwork in Brazil and Japan, Takeyuki Tsuda has written a comprehensive ethnography that examines the ethnic experiences and reactions of both Japanese Brazilian immigrants and their native Japanese hosts.
São Paulo, Brazil, holds the largest number of Japanese descendants outside Japan, and they have been there for six generations. Japanese immigration to Brazil started in 1908 to replace European immigrants to work in São Paulo’s expanding coffee industry. It peaked in the late 1920s and early 1930s as anti-Japanese sentiment grew in Brazil. Approximately 189,000 Japanese entered Brazil by 1942 in mandatory family units. After the war, prewar immigrants and their descendants became quickly concentrated in São Paulo City. Immigration from Japan resumed in 1952, and by 1993 some 54,000 immigrants arrived in Brazil. By 1980, the majority of Japanese Brazilians had joined the urban middle class and many had been mixed racially. In the mid-1980s, Japanese Brazilians’ “return” labor migrations to Japan began on a large scale. More than 310,000 Brazilian citizens were residing in Japan in June 2008, when the centenary of Japanese immigration was widely celebrated in Brazil. The story does not end there. The global recession that started in 2008 soon forced unemployed Brazilians in Japan and their Japanese-born children to return to Brazil. Based on her research in Brazil and Japan, Mieko Nishida challenges the essentialized categories of “the Japanese” in Brazil and “Brazilians” in Japan, with special emphasis on gender. Nishida deftly argues that Japanese Brazilian identity has never been a static, fixed set of traits that can be counted and inventoried. Rather it is about being and becoming, a process of identity in motion responding to the push-and-pull between being positioned and positioning in a historically changing world. She examines Japanese immigrants and their descendants’ historically shifting sense of identity, which comes from their experiences of historical changes in socioeconomic and political structure in both Brazil and Japan. Each chapter illustrates how their identity is perpetually in formation, across generation, across gender, across class, across race, and in the movement of people between nations. Diaspora and Identity makes an important contribution to the understanding of the historical development of ethnic, racial, and national identities; as well as construction of the Japanese diaspora in Brazil and its response to time, place, and circumstances.
Faced with an aging workforce, Japanese firms are hiring foreign workers in ever-increasing numbers. In 1990 Japan's government began encouraging the migration of Nikkeijin (overseas Japanese) who are presumed to assimilate more easily than are foreign nationals without a Japanese connection. More than 250,000 Nikkeijin, mainly from Brazil, now work in Japan. The interactions between Nikkeijin and natives, says Joshua Hotaka Roth, play a significant role in the emergence of an increasingly multicultural Japan. He uses the experiences of Japanese Brazilians in Japan to illuminate the racial, cultural, linguistic, and other criteria groups use to distinguish themselves from one another. Roth's analysis is enriched by on-site observations at festivals, in factories, and in community centers, as well as by interviews with workers, managers, employment brokers, and government officials.Considered both "essentially Japanese" and "foreign," nikkeijin benefit from preferential immigration policy, yet face economic and political strictures that marginalize them socially and deny them membership in local communities. Although the literature on immigration tends to blame native blue-collar workers for tense relations with migrants, Roth makes a compelling case for a more complex definition of the relationships among class, nativism, and foreign labor. Brokered Homeland is enlivened by Roth's own experience: in Japan, he came to think of himself as nikkeijin, rather than as Japanese-American.
With an immigrant population currently estimated at roughly 280,000, Japanese Brazilians are now the second largest group of foreigners in Japan. Although they are of Japanese descent, most were born in Brazil and are culturally Brazilian. As a result, they have become Japan's newest ethnic minority. Drawing upon close to two years of multisite fieldwork in Brazil and Japan, Takeyuki Tsuda has written a comprehensive ethnography that examines the ethnic experiences and reactions of both Japanese Brazilian immigrants and their native Japanese hosts.
A comparative study of immigration and ethnicity with an emphasis on the Chinese, Japanese, and Arabs who have contributed to Brazil's diverse mix.
Sentiments, Language, and the Arts: The Japanese-Brazilian Heritage explores the complex feelings of Japanese immigrants in Brazil, focusing on their yearning for “home” as a way of interpreting the shifting nature of their identity. To understand the immigrants’ lives and feelings from their own perspective, Hosokawa looks closely at their poetry, linguistic activities such as the borrowing of Portuguese words, amateur speech contests, and a fantasy about the shared origins of Japanese and the Brazilian indigenous language Tupi. He also examines the issue of group identity through the performing arts, analyzing the reception of Japanese sopranos who sang the title role in Madam Butterfly, participation in Carnival parades, and the oral storytelling of their history in popular narratives called rôkyoku. Translated from Japanese by Paul Warham.
After the introduction of the "long-term resident" visa, the mass-migration of Nikkeis (Japanese Brazilians) has led to roughly 190,000 Brazilian nationals living in Japan. While the ancestry-based visa confers Nikkeis' right to settlement virtually as a right of blood, their ethnic ambiguity and working-class profile often prevent them from feeling at home in their supposed ethnic homeland. In response, many have converted to Pentecostalism, reflecting the explosive trend across Latin America since the 1970s. Jesus Loves Japan offers a rare window into lives at the crossroads of return migration and global Pentecostalism. Suma Ikeuchi argues that charismatic Christianity appeals to Nikkei migrants as a "third culture"--one that transcends ethno-national boundaries and offers a way out of a reality marked by stagnant national indifference. Jesus Loves Japan insightfully describes the political process of homecoming through the lens of religion, and the ubiquitous figure of the migrant as the pilgrim of a transnational future.