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Michael Herb proposes a new paradigm for understanding politics in Saudi Arabia and the Gulf. He critiques the theory of the rentier state and argues that we must put political institutions—and specifically monarchism—at the center of any explanation of Gulf politics. All in the Family provides a compelling and fresh analysis of the importance of monarchism in the region, and points out the crucial role of the ruling families in creating monarchal regimes. It addresses the issue of democratization in the Middle Eastern monarchies, arguing that the prospects for the gradual emergence of constitutional monarchy are better than is often thought.
An original and empirically grounded analysis of the Gulf monarchies and their role in shaping the political economy of the Middle East.
Offering a fuller understanding of the complexities and particular patterns of state formation in regions where tribes have exercised a significant influence, this volume focuses on the continuing existence of tribal structures and systems in contemporary times, within contemporary nation-states. The contributors offer hypotheses as to why these groups have managed to survive and what impact they have had on modern states ... --backcover.
Noted Gulf expert Christopher Davidson contends that the collapse of these kings, emirs, and sultans is going to happen, and was always going to.
This timely book demystifies the politics of Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, United Arab Emirates, and Oman, and focuses on the new pressures that have emerged since the Gulf War. Gause illuminates the foreign policy tightrope these states walk in the Middle East: self-defense is problematic, regional pressures translate directly into the domestic arena, and relations with the United States cause as well as solve many problems. Gause examines the interplay of Islamic fundamentalism, tribalism, and, most importantly, oil wealth that has determined the power structure of the Gulf monarchies. He shows what influences really drive politics in the Middle East as well as how U.S. foreign policy must respond to them in order to forge more meaningful ties with each country and preserve the stability of a fragile region that is vital to U.S. interests.
The monograph explores the dynamics of ingroup identity in the foreign policy-making of Middle Eastern monarchies from the evolution of the regional system after the World Wars until the present. Utilising an innovative theoretical framework that combines Foreign Policy Analysis in the context of authoritarian regimes and Social Identity Theory, the book theorizes the origins and inner workings of a "monarchic peace" among hereditary regimes in the Middle East, including the Gulf monarchies as well as Jordan and Morocco. While the phenomenon of the "democratic peace" is well established in political science, this book argues that like the examined "monarchic peace", it is, in fact, a sub-case of a broader Similar Political Systems Peace (SPSP). The theory posits that monarchies do not wage war against each other because they recognize each other as members of the same "ingroup" which allows for other mechanisms of conflict resolution – behaviour that is allowed against outsiders might be prohibited against members of the same club or "family". The theory is illustrated with numerous case studies that look at overall regional dynamics as well as four crucial cases of monarchic interstate conflict: Bahraini-Qatari relations, the Saudi-Hashemite rivalry, and the relations between Kuwait and Iraq and Iran and the UAE. This in-depth account of the foreign policies and community, connecting Middle Eastern monarchies will be of interest to readers in international relations, authoritarianism studies, Middle East and Persian Gulf politics.
In command of the world's largest hydrocarbon reserves and occupying a central role in both Middle Eastern and global politics, the six traditional monarchies--Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates (UAE)--that comprise the Gulf Cooperation Council are now among the most heavily researched yet most commonly misunderstood actors in the international system. Christopher Davidson, an acclaimed expert on the fast moving politics and economics of the Gulf, together with five other leading authorities on the region, has brought together a unique collection of comprehensive yet highly accessible analyses of these six states. Following a succinct theoretical overview of the various achievements, opportunities, and collective challenges faced by the monarchies, each chapter discusses their individual historical backgrounds, political structures, economic diversification efforts, and future prospects. Drawing on the latest research in the field, the most up-to-date statistics, and written in a frank and critical manner, this textbook is a valuable addition to university reading lists on Middle Eastern studies or political science, while also appealing to the general interest reader.
The Making of Saudi Arabia focuses on the transformation of the Saudi state from a loose tribal confederation into a more organized, monarchical state, a process which evolved mainly between 1916 and 1936. The study analyzes the formation and evolution of Saudi Arabia's main state attributes: its territorial hub and borders, central government, and basic social and regional cohesion. Relying on a careful analysis of vast archival and other sources, Joseph Kostiner explains the historical dynamics of the myriad of relations among tribal groups, rulers, and British authorities in the Arabian Peninsula, and the changing nature of local political and social institutions. Contributing both to historical knowledge of the Middle East and to comparative analysis on tribes and states, this book offers new information and understanding of Saudi Arabia, one of the most important states in the Middle East. The strategies and dynamics of Saudi territorial expansion; the subsequent attempts to integrate new regions into a united kingdom; the institutionalization of Islamic and lay ruling bodies; the coexistence among nomadic and town-based populations, and the development of the Saudi "elite" are analyzed.
While scholars have long looked at the role of political Islam in the Middle East, it has been assumed that domestic politics in the wealthy monarchical states of the Arabian Gulf, so-called "rentier states" where taxes are very low and oil wealth subsidizes the needs of citizens, are largely unaffected by such movements. However, the long accepted rentier theory has been shortsighted in overlooking the socio-political role played by Muslim Brotherhood affiliates in the super-rentiers of Kuwait, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates. While rentier state theory assumes that citizens of such states will form opposition blocs only when their stake in rent income is threatened, this book demonstrates that ideology, rather than rent, have motivated the formation of independent Islamist movements in the wealthiest states of the region. In the monarchical systems of Qatar and the UAE, Islamist groups do not have the opportunity to compete for power and therefore cannot use the ballot box to gain popularity or influence political life, as they do elsewhere in the Middle East. But, as this book points out, the division between the social and political sectors is often blurred in the socially conservative states of the Gulf, as political actors operate through channels that are not institutionalized. Simply because politics is underinstitutionalized in such states does not mean that it is underdeveloped; the informal realm holds considerable political capital. As such, the book argues that Brotherhood movements have managed to use the links between the social (i.e. informal personal networks) and political (i.e. government institutions) to gain influence in policymaking in such states.Using contemporary history and original empirical research, Courtney Freer updates traditional rentier state theory and argues that political Islam serves as a prominent voice and tool to promote more strictly political, and often populist or reformist, views supported by many Gulf citizens.