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Excerpt from Michigan a History of Governments The changes of sovereign as well as of subordi nate jurisdiction have been greater in Michigan than in any other part of the American Union. France, Great Britain, and the United States have successively had dominion over it, and under the United States it was part of the Northwest Terri tory and of the Territory Of Indiana before it be came the Territory of Michigan. As Michigan Territory it passed through all the grades Of subordinate jurisdiction, and the circumstances attending its admission to the Union made its his tory at that period quite unique. Altogether it seemed appropriate that in the series of American Commonwealths the history of Michigan should be sketched as a history of governments but this would be incomplete without a summary view of the relations of States to the Union at the time Michigan was received into it, or without some. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.
Excerpt from Michigan: Its History and Government Up to the present time, no thorough and adequate history of Michigan has been written and very much material now comparatively easily accessible, has never been given careful and thorough consideration. This fact has increased very greatly the difficulty of prepar ing these few chapters. They represent, in spite of their brevity, a great amount of time and labor, as I have examined, with such care as time has permitted, all material to which I could gain access. Another point that perhaps needs some explanation is the character of the work on the government of the state. I never have valued highly the ordinary work on Civil Government in our public schools. The com mitting to memory of the mere facts of government, without any understanding of the principles that under lie them or any knowledge of the processes through which they have come about, has not seemed to me a more valuable school exercise than the committing of any other comparatively unrelated facts. That such facts have practical value is largely a mistaken notion, and even if they have, most of the time spent upon them is waste time, because without any of our pedagogic efforts the average boy, by the time he is grown up, will know about everything that he ought to know of what the ordinary Civil Governments contain. The minutiae of Civil Government one learns from experience, so far as one needs to learn and remember them. In fact he must do so, if he learns them at all, for the details ofgovernmental affairs are constantly changing, and facts of this kind learned twenty-five years ago would now be so inaccurate as to be useless. But there are many questions which people cannot answer for themselves, many things that they will not of themselves be able to understand. In the average community, for example, or among ordinarily well educated people, how many have any proper conception of the relation of the state and the nation? Or of the source of authority of a state government? Or of the difference in position with regard to its powers between the state and the national government? And dozens of other things of this kind. Great principles underlie all English and American political development, which it has taken the slow process of ages to unfold and make articulate in existing institutions. It is in the under standing of these principles and of their processes of development, rather than in the everyday details, that the field of Civil Government properly lies. It should be a science starting from its fundamental principles, as does chemistry or any other properly developed science, but taking more careful account of the historical proc esses involved. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.
The activist state of the New Deal started forming decades before the FDR administration, demonstrating the deep roots of energetic government in America. In the period between the Civil War and the New Deal, American governance was transformed, with momentous implications for social and economic life. A series of legal reforms gradually brought an end to nineteenth-century traditions of local self-government and associative citizenship, replacing them with positive statecraft: governmental activism intended to change how Americans lived and worked through legislation, regulation, and public administration. The last time American public life had been so thoroughly altered was in the late eighteenth century, at the founding and in the years immediately following. William J. Novak shows how Americans translated new conceptions of citizenship, social welfare, and economic democracy into demands for law and policy that delivered public services and vindicated peopleÕs rights. Over the course of decades, Americans progressively discarded earlier understandings of the reach and responsibilities of government and embraced the idea that legislators and administrators in Washington could tackle economic regulation and social-welfare problems. As citizens witnessed the successes of an energetic, interventionist state, they demanded more of the same, calling on politicians and civil servants to address unfair competition and labor exploitation, form public utilities, and reform police power. Arguing against the myth that America was a weak state until the New Deal, New Democracy traces a steadily aggrandizing authority well before the Roosevelt years. The United States was flexing power domestically and intervening on behalf of redistributive goals for far longer than is commonly recognized, putting the lie to libertarian claims that the New Deal was an aberration in American history.
Recent U.S. Supreme Court decisions in Citizens United and other high-profile cases have sparked passionate disagreement about the proper role of corporations in American democracy. Partisans on both sides have made bold claims, often with little basis in historical facts. Bringing together leading scholars of history, law, and political science, Corporations and American Democracy provides the historical and intellectual grounding necessary to put today’s corporate policy debates in proper context. From the nation’s founding to the present, Americans have regarded corporations with ambivalence—embracing their potential to revolutionize economic life and yet remaining wary of their capacity to undermine democratic institutions. Although corporations were originally created to give businesses and other associations special legal rights and privileges, historically they were denied many of the constitutional protections afforded flesh-and-blood citizens. This comprehensive volume covers a range of topics, including the origins of corporations in English and American law, the historical shift from special charters to general incorporation, the increased variety of corporations that this shift made possible, and the roots of modern corporate regulation in the Progressive Era and New Deal. It also covers the evolution of judicial views of corporate rights, particularly since corporations have become the form of choice for an increasing variety of nonbusiness organizations, including political advocacy groups. Ironically, in today’s global economy the decline of large, vertically integrated corporations—the type of corporation that past reform movements fought so hard to regulate—poses some of the newest challenges to effective government oversight of the economy.
Excerpt from History of Michigan The twofold phase of our government, state and federal, is familiar to us all. The desirability of a knowledge of the principles and institutions of state concern, as distinguished from those of a national character, is now quite generally admitted. Indeed, it is thought that a familiarity with the institutions common to our townships, counties, and the state, should precede the study of the more distant and complex institutions of the general government. It is like wise generally believed that in the study of history the analogy holds true, and that the youth, before he is required to learn and comprehend the great national and world wide movements of history, should be told the story of his own state. One of the essential equipments for good citizenship is a knowledge of that noble band of men and women who, as pioneers, felled the forests, made the homesteads, organ ized the townships and the counties, and laid the foundations of the commonwealth. With a thorough knowledge of the history of the state and the principles of its government, the youth is at least equipped to discharge intelligently those civic duties with which he is most intimately connected, while a desire for a knowledge of history and government in their higher and broader relations is also fostered. It is to fulfill this mission in Michigan that this little book has been prepared. It is dedicated to the boys and girls of Michigan, as it was inspired by the belief that their lives would reflect a higher standard of civic virtue if lived with an intimate acquaintance with those patriots and statesmen whose efforts have made for the state an honorable fame. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.
This remarkable book shatters just about every myth surrounding American government, the Constitution, and the Founding Fathers, and offers the clearest warning about the alarming rise of one-man rule in the age of Obama. Most Americans believe that this country uniquely protects liberty, that it does so because of its Constitution, and that for this our thanks must go to the Founders, at their Convention in Philadelphia in 1787. F. H. Buckley’s book debunks all these myths. America isn’t the freest country around, according to the think tanks that study these things. And it’s not the Constitution that made it free, since parliamentary regimes are generally freer than presidential ones. Finally, what we think of as the Constitution, with its separation of powers, was not what the Founders had in mind. What they expected was a country in which Congress would dominate the government, and in which the president would play a much smaller role. Sadly, that’s not the government we have today. What we have instead is what Buckley calls Crown government: the rule of an all-powerful president. The country began in a revolt against one king, and today we see the dawn of a new kind of monarchy. What we have is what Founder George Mason called an “elective monarchy,” which he thought would be worse than the real thing. Much of this is irreversible. Constitutional amendments to redress the balance of power are extremely unlikely, and most Americans seem to have accepted, and even welcomed, Crown government. The way back lies through Congress, and Buckley suggests feasible reforms that it might adopt, to regain the authority and respect it has squandered.
An enlightening overview of America’s misadventures in economic investment from the Revolutionary era to the Obama administration. From the days of George Washington through World War II to today, government subsidies have failed the American people time and again. Draining the Treasury of cash, this doomed attempt to “pick winners” only serves to impede economic growth—and hurt the very companies receiving aid. But why does federal aid seem to have a reverse Midas touch? In Uncle Sam Can’t Count, Burt and Anita Folsom argue that federal officials don’t have the same abilities or incentives as entrepreneurs. In addition, federal control always leads to politicization. And what works for politicians often doesn’t work in the marketplace. Filled with examples of government failures and free market triumphs, from John Jacob Astor to the Wright Brothers, World War II amphibious landing craft to Detroit, Uncle Sam Can’t Count is a hard-hitting critique of government investment that demonstrates why business should be left exclusively to private entrepreneurs.
The first major study of the migration of French Canadians to Michigan during the nineteenth century and their substantial impact on the state's development.
Excerpt from The Civil Government of Michigan: With Chapters on Political Machinery The book is designed not only for schools, but also for general use. There is a lamentable amount of ignorance, even among educated men, as to the workings of our political system. It is absolutely indispensable in a republic that every one should understand the functions of the govern ment and the obligations of citizenship, so as to discharge intelligently the duties of an elector. The author is under great obligation to His Excellency, Gov. Charles M. Croswell, for valuable information, and for numerous State documents. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.