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Martin Bucer's De vera et falsa caenae dominicae administratione marks the collapse of his hopes for a negotiated settlement of the Reformation in Germany. He completed the work in March 1546 as fresh negotiations between Catholic and Protestant theologians reached an impasse in Regensburg, as the second session of the Council of Trent was meeting, and as Charles V prepared to make war on the Protestant League of Schmalkalden. At one level the work deals with the church's authority to regulate the celebration of the Lord's Supper, but at a more fundamental level it challenges moderate Catholics such as the humanist scholar Bartholomaeus Latomus to decide whether their ultimate loyalties lie with pope and council or with Christ and his Gospel.
Responding to Bishop Robert Ceneau, Sorbonnist, Bucer's subject-matter is twofold. Firstly, maintained is the compatibility of Reformation theology with Scripture, Patristic testimony, and the "saner Scholastics". Secondly, denying association with the heresy of Berengar, Bucer develops his perception of a common eucharistic theology among the Reformers, a theology Bucer finds corroborated in Scripture and Christian antiquity. After a plea for a fair hearing for the Reformation in France, Part I irenically surveys controverted dogmas and practices. Part II substantiates the thesis of fundamental harmony between Lutheran and Zwinglian eucharistic views. Part III rebuts Ceneau's polemical abuse. Republished as an Appendix is Bucer's contemporary memorandum on the viability of wider Church reunion. The tract reflects a significant transitional phase in Bucer's accommodation to both Catholic tradition and the Wittenberg sacramental theology.
A critical assessment of one of the most important Reformers by an international team of specialists.
Analyzes John Calvin's doctrine of Christian freedom, describes his teachings about women's public role, and examines its pertinence to women's ordination
This English translation from the Dutch volume is a study of a quotation by St. Augustine as it was understood in the late medieval period. Marijn de Kroon focuses on how this quotation was interpreted by two theologians: Wessel Gansfort, the Northern humanist and theologian connected to theDevotio modernaand the Brethren of the Common Life, and Martin Bucer, the Protestant reformer who further developed Gansfort's ideas. This study is accompanied by a series of shorter texts, all showing the reception of Augustine's phrase in late medieval theology and contrasting it with Gansfort's understanding of it, which Bucer was to adopt. With his commented edition of sourcetexts, de Kroon throws a new light on the links between late medieval and Reformation thought, demonstrating how a fully fledged reformer like Bucer used the works of medieval theologians. In fact, this is the first work to point to a concrete case of Gansfort's influence on the Reformation.
Martin Bucer has usually been portrayed as a diplomat who attempted to reconcile divergent theological views, sometimes at any cost, or as a pragmatic pastor who was more concerned with ethics than theology. These representations have led to the view that Bucer was a theological light-weight, rightly placed in the shadow of Luther and Calvin. This book makes a different argument. Bucer was an ecclesial diplomat and a pragmatic pastor, yet his ecclesial and practical approaches to reforming the Church were guided by coherent theological convictions. Central to his theology was his understanding of the doctrine of justification, an understanding that Brian Lugioyo argues has an integrity of its own, though it has been imprecisely represented as intentionally conciliatory. It was this solid doctrine that guided Bucer's irenicism and acted as a foundation for his entrance into discussions with Catholics between 1539 and 1541. Lugioyo demonstrates that Bucer was consistent in his approach and did not sacrifice his theological convictions for ecclesial expediency. Indeed his understanding was an accepted evangelical perspective on justification, one to be commended along with those of Luther and Calvin.
This work comprises a detailed study of Bucer's thinking on ecclesiastical office. The Strasbourg reformer exercised a great influence on Calvin, among others. This exploration does not only contribute to the knowledge of the body of thoughts and views of this often ignored reformer, whose importance is increasingly being recognised. It also contains a large amount of material which is extremely valuable for current discussion - theological and practical - on office and structure within the Church. The author has based his research on various rare editions found in libraries all over Europe. He also used many unpublished sources from the abundant archives in Strasbourg.
Herman Speelman deals with a central question in the intellectual history of the sixteenth century: to what extent can Calvin be regarded as responsible for the tendency in Calvinism or, broader, in Reformed Protestantism, to form a church which has its own ecclesiastical organization and office bearers? So far, claiming a great deal of independence for the church has been considered an important aspect of Calvin's legacy. In this line of reasoning, it is assumed that Calvin was a strong opponent of the church as a state organization that did not have its own governing body and power of excommunication.To better understand this issue, we first examine the position of the church within the city-state of Bern. Secondly, we direct our attention to the manner in which Calvin gave form to ecclesiastical life in Geneva. Next we deal with the church in France, and finally, we examine the influence of Calvin and French Calvinism on the organization of the Reformed church in The Netherlands in the 1570s.
These two public letters are Calvin’s first publication for a wider audience since his arrival in Geneva. Its preface is dated on 12 January 1537. After years of scholarly activity and travelling in anonymity Guillaume Farel forcefully committed him to the church of Geneva. The young author of the Institutes (1536) was at Farel’s and Viret’s side at the Disputation of Lausanne. He broke any allegiance with the Circle of Meaux and sided wholeheartedly with the reformed cause. The contents of the Epistolae duae, drafted in Ferrara, reveal that Calvin must have revised the manuscript to give testimony to the appeal of the Disputation to the roman catholic clergy. The first letter challenges Christians to break away for idolatry and confess publicly. The second letter is a challenge to the clergy either to reform or lay down their offices. The Epistolae duae are the opening move in the exchange among the reformers on nicodemism. Calvin, as ghost writer of Farel, breaks with the reform movement of Meaux, France. That was what the reformed position in October 1536 had implied. Calvin’s two minor contributions to the Disputation of Lausanne have been added to the present edition.