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The year 1979 ushered in a new phase in China's long and continuous revolu tion. Currently, this new phase is being symbolically referred to, by the Chinese leaders themselves, as the 'New Long March' (a continuation of the legendary and historical Long March) in terms of modernization, which comprises the Four Modernizations: Agriculture, Industry, Science and Technology, and Military Defense. Such an all-encompassing attempt at modernization may appear, to some at least, to be something new, or may indicate a radical shift in her policy. But upon closer examination, this decision seems only to reflect an historical continuity in terms of the two major long-term goals of the Chinese Revolution: 'national independence' and 'modernization' (or 'industrialization'). The former would make China strong; the latter, wealthy. For, ever since the Opium War in 1840 and throughout the Revolutions of 1911 and 1949, China has always pursued these two revolutionary goals, though with different emphases at different times. This has been especially true during the past three decades as this twofold goal has dictated all of China's important policies, both domestic and foreign. In other words, while the concrete policies may have appeared to be lacking in unity at times, they have been formulated with the specific intent of achieving national independence and modernization. From this perspective, the New Long March marks the passage of post-Mao China beyond the transition of succession toward the continued pursuit of the same revolutionary goals.
These early philosophical writings underpinned the Chinese revolutions, and their clarion calls to insurrection remain some of the most stirring of all time. Drawing on a dizzying array of references from contemporary culture and politics, Zizek's firecracker commentary reaches unsettling conclusions about the place of Mao's thought in the revolutionary canon.
As a member of the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Asian and Pacific Affairs, I am necessarily concerned about the future role of Communist China in world affairs. A true understanding of Peking's foreign policy motives and objectives is possible only if one has a grasp of the ideological foundations and conflicts of the contemporary leaders of the Chinese Communist Party. Therein lies the value of Professor Yung Ping Chen's revised edition Chinese Political Thought: Mao Tse-tung and Liu Shao-chi. Within a compact number of pages, Professor Chen's book provides the rt~ader with a clear and ready grasp of the fundamentals of Com munist Chinese ideology. Although its scholarship is evident, the work's interpretation do not overwhelm the reader with lengthy quotations or confuse him with excessive speculations-difficulties sometimes associa ted with books about China. Instead, Professor Chen appears to have the ability to reduce complicated ideas to manageable proportions. In his revised edition, the author makes use of source material which recently has become available outside China to clarify issues involved in the "Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution." That phenomenon, which has caused so much wonder and speculation in the West, is analyzed by Professor Chen. He describes for the reader the underlying ideological factors which have emerged from the great turmoil in China, placing them within a framework of verified historical events while avoiding the pitfall of endless theorizing about situations and events inside China about which too little is yet known.
This title was first published in 1979. The "reopening" of China in 1971 by President Richard Nixon has already been regarded as a turning point of China's foreign policy and international politics. It has facilitated the reestablishment of Peking's diplomatic relations after the Cultural Revolution, broadened the dimension of China' s international political, economic, and cultural activities, and promoted China's campaign against hegemonism of the superpowers. Its impact on China' s relationships with the outside world, particularly the United States and Third World countries, is immeasurable. This volume explores the the "three-world" theory is China's (Mao Tse-tung's) new concept of world politics after the Sino-American rapprochement. This concept, originally developed from the Soviet "twocamp" theory of 1947, has an immediate connection with Peking's "intermediate zone" theory of 1964.
Mao Zedong was the leader of the Chinese Communist Party from 1949 to 1976. He was also a important figure in the Chinese revolution and would found the People's Republic of China in 1949. He is upheld to this day as of the most influecial figures in Marxist thought of the 20th century in China and throughout the worldThis book is a collection of two of his most important essays, some of the most approachable explainations of contradition as well as the connection between theory and practice. These essays were delivered by comrade Mao at the Anti-Japanese Military and Political College in Yenan in 1937. They were written to combat the problems of dogmatism the Mao saw in the Communst Party of China at the time.Both essays proved to be fundimental to the development of the Party line, but would later be co-opted by the ultra-left "Maoists" we see today.
First published in 1963.
New and annotated translations of philosophical essays written by Mao Zedong in 1937, which have come to be regarded as a cornerstone in the development of Chinese Marxism. The editor analyzes their textual, philosophical and historical significance.
Comprehensively indexed and with an introduction newly written by the editor, a leading expert in the field,Mao Zedong and the Chinese Revolutionis sure to be recognized as a vital reference resource for all serious Mao scholars.