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Since Independence in 1960, Madagascar has faced several periods of instability and crisis, as well as the threat of civil war. These periods were cyclical: each time the country made some significant economic and social progress, an unexpected crisis would occur to bring it to a halt. The book focuses on the crisis of March 2009, showing how a brewing conflict between the government of Marc Ravalomanana and the opposition led by Andry Rajoelina escalated and using it as a case for the study of further crises in Madagascar or other African countries. The book adopts a conflict approach to the study of crisis. Instead of focusing on external symptoms (street protests, violence, looting, massacre of protesters, military mutiny, etc.), or condemning it as a “coup d’état,” it analyzes the crisis of March 2009 as part of an ongoing conflict between the government and the opposition. It uncovers the causal mechanisms of the crisis as well as the process of crisis management and de-escalation, examining such factors as the context of the crisis, the major actors, the triggers, and the management of the crisis by national and international mediators. In addition, the book explains how a civil war was averted and who benefited as a result of this political crisis.
This report discusses the current situation in Madagascar and U.S. concerns about foreign aid spending, the countries unique ecosystem, and the country's political and developmental challenges.
Following coups in Mauritania and Guinea in 2008, the African Union, the United States, and the European Union, among others, warned against an unconstitutional transfer of power on the island nation and have suspended most foreign aid and threatened sanctions. [...] Ravalomanana, in a pre-recorded message, reportedly urged his supporters in late March to "save the nation," accusing Rajoelina and his allies of "destroying our country with their coup."9 Some reports suggest that elements of the military oppose the transitional authority and demanded Rajoelina's resignation early in his tenure.10 In April 2010, amid rumors of a possible coup, the minister of the [...] On April 30, the AU, SADC, the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), the Organisation internationale de la Francophonie (OIF), and the EU formed the International Contact Group on Madagascar to provide a unified front for international pressure on the parties to resolve the political crisis. [...] His announcement followed the public demands made in April by the armed forces' chief of staff and head of the gendarmerie to resolve the political crisis, as well as the discovery of an alleged coup plot by several military officers Rajoelina has pledged not to run in the presidential poll, but continues to insist that other former heads of state stand down as well. [...] The election led to a tense half year stand-off between the two candidates and their parties after Ravalomanana, citing electoral irregularities, refused to participate in a postponed runoff poll, and in February 2002 declared himself the winner of the election.
The objective of this article is to provide a clearer explanation of the current political and economic crisis in Madagascar which can form the basis of action to addressing more effectively the growing needs for assistance of the majority of the people of Madagascar. Its key premise is that the rent seeking behaviour of the ruling elites of Madagascar is the underlying cause of political crisis. The current crisis is different because it is long term and, more importantly, is causing the increased suffering of the people of Madagascar and the loss of gains in numerous social indicators from which it will be very difficult to recover. Key international players have assisted the illegal government in power to secure more time by providing resources in the form of budget support outside the loose sanctions regime put in place by most of the international community. The result has seen the persistent stalling of the holding of elections. The cost of this approach has been in the increasing poverty of the people of Madagascar, with enormous implications for the social sectors. This article addresses analyses the current crisis in Madagascar by exploring briefly the political circumstances of the illegal government in power. It then examines the nature of state revenue caused by aid sanctions and the associated intensified resource exploitation undertaken by sections of the elite. The dire circumstances emerging from this economy are then outlined before identifying different roles of certain international stakeholders. This leads to a consideration of Madagascar's future prospects with some suggested actions for a main stakeholder, the United Nations, in addressing increasing needs in the social sectors.
Madagascar’s constitution of August 19, 1992 brought hope to a population exhausted by economic failures associated with a failed experiment in scientific socialism and years of mismanagement. The repetition of transparent elections and the promulgation of “good governance” in the years that followed appeared to serve as an indicator of institutional strengthening and, by extension, progress. Unfortunately, a broader institutional analysis points toward a series of shocks to the political system by way of legal, but highly detrimental, juridical and constitutional shifts to the system. These shocks were meant to serve particularized political networks with long clientalistic roots and were made possible by the narrow vision of institutionalism that did not take careful stock of those networks or the leaders at the top of them. Little effort was made to look beyond a legislature brought in by careful elections but producing legislation serving individuals, the ways in which inchoate political parties distort institutional outcomes and the potential for institutionalization, the weakness of civil society to offer opportunities for popular engagement, or the use of donor-funded decentralization programs to build ministries that served as powerful and rapid proxies for leadership centralization. By the time the celebrated president, Marc Ravalomanana, was overthrown in March 2009 it became clear that there were few opportunities to seed political opposition and such limited space between individual leaders and primary institutions of public management that critical state functions immediately began to unravel. In this book the author considers the institutions of the Third Republic, how they formed, and why they looked like models for democratic change before turning to consider how the institutions themselves have been manipulated in plain sight by leaders looking to champion their own networks. He concludes that the rise of the Fourth Republic in 2010 did little to address these underlying concerns and argues that a new agenda is in order to consider not just the way in which institutions form, but the way in which networks of power, and leaders at the top of those networks, grow and change malleable institutions in young democracies with few avenues of accountability.
Madagascar is on the cusp of exiting a five-year political crisis compounded by economic disorder and international isolation. Presidential elections in late 2013 were endorsed as credible following the victory of Hery Rajaonarimampianina. The return to democracy paves the way for renewed international support. However, division entrenched by former President Marc Ravalomanana's exile has polarised the country. The coup regime of Andry Rajoelina was characterised by socio-economic malaise, rampant corruption, institutional decay and the breakdown in the rule of law. The political system, which is the primary obstacle to sustained recovery, needs much more than a cosmetic makeover; fundamental reform is necessary. The African Union, Southern African Development Community and International Support Group for Madagascar must support Rajaonarimampianina's efforts to balance political interests in a marked departure from the traditional winner-take-all approach; reform and strengthening of key democratic institutions; and reform and professionalisation of the security sector.
Why has Madagascar has failed to make any meaningful progress since independence? A mix of journalism and scholarship, the book is the result of almost nine months spent on the ground in Madagascar travelling and interviewing a wide range of political leaders at the national and local levels, including an unprecedented interview with the country’s former president, Marc Ravalomanana. The book takes as its point of departure the military coup in 2009 that replaced Ravalomanana with Andry Rajoelina, and all of the negative aftershocks that followed, as well as including chapters on the bleak economic prospects of young people across the island, the unsustainable population growth that threatens so much of its future and a unique chapter on the effects of climate change on the southern region of Madagascar, where worsening droughts have left millions in humanitarian peril.
Madagascar's long-term trajectory is unique: not only has GDP per capita been trending downward since 1960 (the puzzle), but every time the country has set out on path of growth, it has been stopped in its tracks by a socio-political crisis that has shattered the hopes it raised (the paradox). No satisfactory explanation of this failure has been provided so far. This book elaborates a model of intelligibility of Madagascar's downfall, based on an integrated political economy approach as well as mobilizing the most recent development theories. Combining a review of historical literature with original and sometimes unique statistical surveys, it proposes a general interpretative framework for the workings of Malagasy society. Richly documented and accessible, Puzzle and Paradox allows readers to understand Madagascar's sociopolitical history while more broadly offering an opportunity to grasp the different dimensions of development in the Global South.
Please note that the content of this book primarily consists of articles available from Wikipedia or other free sources online. Pages: 36. Chapters: Elections in Madagascar, Energy in Madagascar, Foreign relations of Madagascar, Human rights in Madagascar, Malagasy politicians, Political parties in Madagascar, Referendums in Madagascar, 2009 Malagasy political crisis, Malagasy parliamentary election, 2007, Malagasy presidential election, 2006, Malagasy constitutional referendum, 2010, Human trafficking in Madagascar, Jacques Rabemananjara, Prime Minister of Madagascar, Jean Ralaimongo, Albert Sylla, Ny Hasina Andriamanjato, List of Malagasy monarchs, Malagasy presidential election, 1996, Malagasy constitutional referendum, 2007, Economic Liberalism and Democratic Action for National Recovery, Cecile Manorohanta, Malagasy presidential election, 2011, Judged By Your Work Party, Association for the Rebirth of Madagascar, Benja Razafimahaleo, List of political parties in Madagascar, Malagasy parliamentary election, 1993, Malagasy parliamentary election, 2011, Malagasy presidential election, 1992-1993, Marcel Ranjeva, Malagasy presidential election, 2001, Tiako I Madagasikara, Mamy Ranaivoniarivo, Malagasy parliamentary election, 1983, Malagasy parliamentary election, 1998, Movement for the Progress of Madagascar, List of diplomatic missions in Madagascar, Lila Ratsifandrihamanana, Congress Party for the Independence of Madagascar, Malagasy Communist Party, Malagasy parliamentary election, 1989, LGBT rights in Madagascar, Malagasy parliamentary election, 1977, Malagasy constitutional referendum, 1975, Malagasy parliamentary election, 2002, List of Presidents of the National Assembly of Madagascar, Communist Party of the Region of Madagascar, High Transitional Authority, Malagasy presidential election, 1972, OMNIS, Malagasy presidential election, 1989, United Nations Security Council Resolution 140, Malagasy parliamentary election, 1965, Malagasy parliamentary...