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Corporate lobbyists are everywhere in Washington. Of the 100 organizations that spend the most on lobbying, 95 represent business. The largest companies now have upwards of 100 lobbyists representing them. How did American businesses become so invested in politics? And what does all their money buy? Drawing on extensive data and original interviews with corporate lobbyists, The Business of America is Lobbying provides a fascinating and detailed picture of what corporations do in Washington, why they do it, and why it matters. Prior to the 1970s, very few corporations had Washington offices. But a wave of new government regulations and declining economic conditions mobilized business leaders. Companies developed new political capacities, and managers soon began to see public policy as an opportunity, not just a threat. Ever since, corporate lobbying has become increasingly more pervasive, more proactive, and more particularistic. Lee Drutman argues that lobbyists drove this development, helping managers to see why politics mattered, and how proactive and aggressive engagement could help companies' bottom lines. All this lobbying doesn't guarantee influence. Politics is a messy and unpredictable bazaar, and it is more competitive than ever. But the growth of lobbying has driven several important changes that make business more powerful. The status quo is harder to dislodge; policy is more complex; and, as Congress increasingly becomes a farm league for K Street, more and more of Washington's policy expertise now resides in the private sector. These and other changes increasingly raise the costs of effective lobbying to a level only businesses can typically afford. Lively and engaging, rigorous and nuanced, The Business of America is Lobbying will change how we think about lobbying-and how we might reform it.
Providing readers with a detailed map for compliance with all applicable laws, this reference describes the dramatic changes brought about by the Lobbying Disclosure Act of 1995, and the considerable changes that have occurred since the last edition was published in 1998.
This latest volume in the CQ Press series on vital statistics in American politics tackles interest groups and lobbying. This book builds from data that has been collected and organized from disclosure forms now required to be filed by registered lobbyists. After providing background about the Lobbying Disclosure Act, the book explores such questions as: When do organizations register to lobby? What are the characteristics of lobbying organizations (varying from professional and trade associations to businesses, coalitions, public interest groups, and intergovernmental groups)? How extensively do organizations lobby on issues? What sorts of efforts do they exert across Congress, the White House, and the various federal agencies? What is involved in terminations of lobbying firms and organizations? What sorts of issues and organizations are most often targeted? And what sorts of moneys are spent and how? Via narrative supported by extensive tables and charts, Vital Statistics on Interest Groups provides a broad, comprehensive, and informative view of lobbying, interest groups, and campaign contributions and their impact on American national politics.
This project looks at how corporations oversee and govern money spent on corporate lobbying at the state level. It establishes a baseline for that spending by a representative sampling of the biggest U.S. publicly-listed corporations. Alongside intense public and investor attention about corporate involvement in elections, institutional investors and others have increasingly called for more transparency about corporate lobbying expenditures designed to influence legislation and regulation. Since 2014, more than half the shareholder proposals at public companies which concern political activity have included requests for actions related to lobbying. Indeed, more than 40 percent of the shareholder proposals about corporate political activity disclosure have focused specifically on lobbying, rather than campaign contributions. While considerable information is available about federal political spending, including lobbying, data are not available for all the states. Even where disclosure requirements do exist they are mixed in their comprehensiveness and utility. Disclosure requirements are missing entirely in 22 states. This report explores what is known now, under current reporting rules, so that investors and the public can contemplate whether reforms are needed and if a more precise voluntary corporate lobbying disclosure code makes sense. Key findings are that while companies are increasing their board oversight of state lobbying, they voluntarily disclose almost none of their state lobbying spending.
This study analyzes the effect the Honest Leadership and Open Government Act of 2007 has on registered lobbying expenditures by the top 39 federal lobbying firms. Lobbying expenditures are treated as investments in political capital and the intent of this study is to see if government actions alter incentives to make this type of investment. After an analysis in which numerous lobbying and government related variables were analyzed the legislation was found to have a modest effect on firm revenue. This finding shows that government regulation can influence the way in which political capital is sought in Washington. The legislation put in place numerous regulations regarding lobbyist/Congressional interaction, expanded penalties for noncompliance and altered internal House and Senate rules. Because such a wide range of changes were made by the legislation it could not be determined if any one or select few regulations were responsible for the modest effect found. The most significant effect found on firm lobbying revenue was the level of federal spending during that year, suggesting that lobbying and federal spending have a reactionary relationship. This is relevant to policy because it suggests that the best strategy for limiting special interests' influence in Washington is to reduce the monetary scope of government, thus decreasing the potential returns for private actors on investments in political capital. Analysis is also conducted on the impact of variables controlling for number of registered lobbyists, number of bills introduced during a single Congress, and the party composition of both chambers on lobbying expenditures.
This work seeks to clarify why and when interest group leaders in Washigton, USA seek to mobilize the public order to influence policy decisions in Congress. It grants a more important role to the need for interest group leaders to demonstrate popular support on particular issues.
The passage of Citizens United by the Supreme Court in 2010 sparked a renewed debate about campaign spending by large political action committees, or Super PACs. Its ruling said that it is okay for corporations and labor unions to spend as much as they want in advertising and other methods to convince people to vote for or against a candidate. This book provides a wide range of opinions on the issue. Includes primary and secondary sources from a variety of perspectives; eyewitnesses, scientific journals, government officials, and many others.
Lobbying Overview; Determining Need for Lobbying Services; Understanding Lobbyists; Classes of Lobbyists; Finding the Right Lobbyist; Engaging a Lobbyist; Negotiating and Managing Fees; How to be an Effective Client; Understanding Lawmakers; Which Lawmakers to Lobby; When Facts Matter and When They Don't; Power and Corruption; Ethics Laws for Lobbyists and Clients; Campaign Contributions; Lobbying Special Interests and Coalitions; Lobbying Legislative Staff; Lobbying Executive Agencies; Lobbying Legislators; Lobbying the Governor;Evaluating Job Performance; Executive Agency Rulemaking, Appeal, and Enforcement; Appendices: Solicitation of Statement of Interest; Request for Proposals (RFP); Letters of Engagement; Scope of Work; Principal-Lobbyist Understanding of Business Relationship; Lobbyist Performance Evaluation; Client Performance Evaluation