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When two researchers combine magic and genetics in an attempt to create a serum to cure all diseases, they unknowingly unleash magic upon an unprepared world. Their son Jason decides to go out and try to make amends for their disastrous release of magic.
Originally published in 1964, this is a detailed ethnographic record and sympathetic study of Ambo beliefs and activities. The significance of the clan and the matrilineage are discussed and the organization of the village and chiefdom analysed. Childhood and puberty, marriage, death, succession and inheritance are covered, along with religious concpets and divination, with its stress on the importance of the high god.
The book is about his own life and he narrates the history of his family, the obtacles he encountered and how he overcame life challenges. The book give the glimpse of how life can be chatted with the help of God and other people whom God places on the way to complete the puzzle as God orders it. There are low episodes and high episodes in his memoir that can inspire those people who desire to face challenges with boldness and be triumphant in all odds. This book will inspire and encourage you to keep on moving to achieve what you aspire in life to make this world a better world.
In this volume leading academics explore the relationship between the experiences of terror and helplessness, the way in which survivors remember and the representation of these memories in the language and form of their life stories.
Local histories, written and published by non-academic historians, constitute a rapidly expanding genre in contemporary non-Western societies. However, academic historians and anthropologists usually take little notice of them. This volume takes a comparative look at local historical writing. Thirteen case studies, set in seven different countries of sub-Saharan Africa, India and Nepal, examine the authors, their books and their audiences. From different perspectives, they analyse the genre's intellectual roots, its relationship to oral historical narratives, and its relevance and impact in local and wider arenas. Local histories, it turns out, pursue a variety of agendas. They (re)construct local and communal identities affected by rapid social change. Often, they (re)write history as part of cultural and political struggles. Openly or implicitly, all of them place local communities on the map of the world at large.
This is an elucidation of accumulation of personal experience within the context of socio-cultural internalization in particular and the socio-political environment in general that is intended to provide some insights into a plethora of ingredients that converged and crystallized into a catalytic impetus that socially transformed my generation from village boys to highly politicised freedom fighters during the 1960s to the 1970s in Rhodesia. I hvae done this by tracing the footprints of my experience which show multiple stages and strands of cultural, social, political and physical determinants that landed themselves on my growth path starting from socialization in my parents’ home all the way through the local community traditions and schooling to active service for the freedom of my country at local and national levels. Here the crucial elements that moulded my social being in a very profound way have been ventilated to show when and how I became able to distinguish antagonistic differences between justice and injustice at my very early age. Proceeding from here I have brought out how I teamed up with others whose political outlook and aspirations were identical with mine as we all voluntarily joined anti-colonial struggle starting from (invisible) low intensity activism in schools and towns up to risky adventures that finished up in armed struggle within a broad national perspective. The narration further demonstrates the domesticity of the movements that championed liberation struggle as drivers were citizens who grew up in the rural villages and urban African Townships where they progressively became aware that they were born (unlike their parents) in a country under colonial administration. In doing all this I had to spell out how my interaction with informative social vectors brought awareness on how my country, Zimbabwe, was colonized and governed by Europeans without the consent of the indigenous natives who showed their resentment to foreign rule by rebelling (First Chimurenga) within six years of colonization but failed, only to succeed in the second rebellion (Second Chimurenga) after ninety years of racial domination. Furthermore I believe I have laid bare how I became a civilian freedom fighter, together with peers of my generation, in the second rebellion where intorable weight of oppression caused us to abandon nonviolent methods of struggle in favour of using arms of war to face a cobweb of security forces led by superb military machine of the colonial state wherein lay formidable challenges confronting rebelling citizens. The armed struggle phase meant that fighters and their collaborators had to face those challenges in the theatre of operation. Initially they exhibited more weaknesses than strengths and lost opportunities that were in the form of abundance of political support of masses of people in the country. The overall process of the struggle exhibited strengths and costly weaknesses right from the civilian phase up to the armed struggle phase with or without my participation. It was not until freedom fighters gained experience in planning and undertaking field operations that they became able to apply appropriate tactics that caused the struggle to gain sustainability in the theatre of operation. More importantly the narration makes the point that the Rhodesian colonial system was presided over by European settler leaders who hardly recognized African citizens as entitled to participation in governance of the country with equal rights in social, political, economical and juridical spheres of societal setting of two main races. Exclusion of African from consensus on the act of Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) by Ian Douglas Smith was a fundamental blunder that precipitated nationwide fury that lead to a civil war in which a deprived citizen fought against a privileged citizen who was indoctrinated with falsehood that his adversary, freedom fighter, was sponsored by foreign powers of a communist type while the latter rightly believed that he was fighting to free his country from racially imposed injustices of deprivation. More importantly, the narration lays emphasis on the creation of massive political structures throughout the country well below the radar of legality for the purpose of sustaining guerrilla warfare in the face of the super professional Rhodesian security forces. In this connection, the final phase of armed struggle demonstrated to all at home and abroad that freedom fighters became significantly effective because they were politically rooted in the oppressed population whence came their strength against superior military hard ware and a ‘water-tight’ counter-insurgency strategy of the Rhodesian security forces. Essenially, it was that political strength, not Communist powers or betrayal by the West, which caused all stakeholders to become willing to come to a negotiating table at Lancaster House in Brittain in 1979 to settle the armed conflict decisively.
Emma and I most cordially invite you to accompany us as our special arm-chair guest on an overland journey through the most exciting continent on the Planet Earth. We shall begin our journey in Cape Town, South Africa in the fall of 1964. During the following ten months we will travel and camp along Africa's Great North Road. A variety of recently created nations and peoples, a few still struggling to be free, will be visited, among them, South Africa, Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe), Zambia, Tanzania, Kenya, Uganda and the Congo. There are, at present, more than 700 separate tribes living south of the Great Sahara Desert. Obviously all of them cannot be included. However, we will visit and camp-out with the typical African where he lives, whether it be an Afrikaner living in one of the exclusive multi-level homes cut into the rock cliffs overlooking the Bay of Cape Town surrounded by twelve-foot walls capped with broken glass and razor wire or a Wanderobo tribesman dressed in a loincloth and carrying a bow and sheath of poisoned arrows met along a primitive dusty track running through the Bush country of Tanzania. Our self-contained VW camper gave us the freedom to camp along the streets of any city or village or along the track where Native Africans were living much as they have for many hundreds of years. Please be prepared, watching people and so-called "wild" animals can take many hours and, in some instances, the supply of daylight runs out. Frequently camp was made along the track out in the Bush and was visited by elephants during the night or a pride of lions stopping by to sharpen their claws on our tires. In one instance several elephants stripped branches off a tree under which we were camped - not one of them touched the camper! It was not unusual to be awakened early in the morning by curious men, women and children who wondered what we were doing; curious but quiet and polite. We never experienced an unpleasant incident while camped out in the Bush. Getting lost in the Congo could have been a fatal mistake! My lack of attention exposed us to an outlaw group of renegades left over from the Tanzania-Uganda War. A serious effort has been made throughout to record the details and opinions as the events took place and our conclusions were formulated. The events, we think, have been accurately recorded. The opinions represent our personal interpretations and tentative conclusions. It is our sincere hope that an open-minded reading of our book will increase the degree of public conscious awareness, with respect to the critical predicament of the African peoples, their culture, environment, wildlife and other natural resources.