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This book presents two systems of censorship and literary promotion, revealing how literature can be molded to support authoritarian regimes. The issue is complex in that at a descriptive level the strategies and methods new states use to control communication through the written word can be judged by how and when formal decrees were issued, and how publishing media, whether in the form of publishing companies or at the individual level, engaged with political overseers. But equally, literature was a means of resistance against an authoritarian regime, not only for writers but for readers as well. From the point of view of historical memory and intellectual history, stories of people without history and the production of their texts through the literary underground can be constructed from subsequent testimony: from books sold in secret, to the writings of women in jail, to books that were written but never published or distributed in any way, and to myriad compelling circumstances resulting from living under fascist authority. A parallel study on two fascist movements provides a unique viewpoint at literary, social and political levels. Comparative analysis of literary censorship/literary reward allows an understanding of the balance between dictatorship, official policy, and what literary acts were deemed acceptable. The regime need to control its population is revealed in the ways that a particular type of literature was encouraged; in the engagement of propoganda promotion; and in the setting up of institutions to gain international acceptance of the regime. The work is an important contribution to the history of twentieth-century authoritarianism and the development fascist ideas.
The third of October 2020 marked the 90th anniversary of the Brazilian Revolution of 1930. Although this event is recognized in Brazilian historiography as an important landmark in the construction of contemporary Brazil, debate, discourse and indeed publications commemorating the event have been much less numerous and profound than would be expected. Comparisons have been made with what took place in 1980, the year of the revolutions fiftieth anniversary, where meaningful historical judgements were made across a wide spectrum of society and the political establishment. It is pertinent to ask why there is no longer the appetite for substantive discussion on the Vargas period. Perhaps it is due to the new political climate in Brazil in the last decade, especially with regard to various projects aimed at labour and trade union reform, the main legacies of the revolutionary period which today are considered by many as obstacles to the modernization of the labour market and the country's economic development. Given the economic imperatives and aims of the 1930 Revolution, a re-evaluation of the Vargas Period will assist in better understanding the contemporary economic issues that face Brazil today. The exercise is neither one of nostalgia or exaltation of this past period, but rather to offer a (positive and negative) overview of Vargas legacy and the vast historiography that surrounds it. Scholars, politicians, business and the Brazilian workforce need to learn from past economic choices in order to better understand the challenges that contemporary Brazil faces. Recently proposed reforms have strong overtones to the revolutionary agenda of the 1930s, namely the forging of a New Brazil and the necessity of avoiding political schism. This book examines the political, economic, labour, cultural, military, and gender ramifications that will guide debate.
Embracing the Past, Designing the Future provides an historical overview of Brazilian authoritarianism and social/economic development during the political era (1930-45) of Getulio Vargas as viewed and understood by Oliveira Viana and Azevedo Amaral, two of the principal intellectuals and ideologues of the regime at the time. Oliveira Vianna was one of the main authors of the corporatist labour legislation and Azevedo Amaral remained an important publicist who was associated with the regimes propaganda apparatus. the heart of the discussion is the legitimacy of authoritarian modernisation. Brazil's contemporary uncertainty has deep parallels with the earlier period: unruly and un-democratic political debate coupled with economic stagnation. It was during the Vargas era that the power bases and fundamental principals of the construction of modern Brazil were defined in terms of its political administration and its economy and industry. These features may still be perceived in the country today, albeit claimed or rejected by political leaders such as Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva and Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Linkage between authoritarianism and the economic development of Brazil is strong, whether viewed through the lenses of history, sociology or political science. Both periods of exceptional national economic and social growth were associated exactly to its two governmental authoritarian periods in the twentieth century the Vargas era and the military dictatorship (196485). This volume addresses a complex of ideological difficulties that go to the heart of what the Brazilian nation stands for: its racial construction; its colonial heritage; the fractured nature of the relationship between society and state; the role of corporatism, and its sometime political rejection; and the dangers of political personalisation, to the detriment of the nation.
The events related to the 1964 coup and the military dictatorship (1964-85) have become common currency in the recent public debate in Brazil. The issue is especially strategic to the extreme right-wing groups surrounding Jair Bolsonaro, the president elected in 2018. For them, the 1964 coup is cherished and celebrated, marking defeat of the left and the beginning of a political regime oriented towards order and progress. The political project built around Bolsonaro is an attempt to impose a distorted and Manichean view of recent history, both by discourse and attempts of censorship. According to that view, 1964 was not a coup detat, but a revolution that saved Brazilians from communism. In Brazil, history is being manipulated to convince people that the military were good rulers, an image that connects to the present authoritarian (albeit elected) government supported by the Armed Forces. Right-wingers, nostalgic for the 1960s dictatorship, promote initiatives to discredit academic researchers and historians who disagree with their mind set. A Present Past offers a well-founded approach to the history of the military dictatorship. Chapters are dedicated to analysing the most controversial topics of the current debate. The primary aim is to disseminate knowledge about the prevailing dictatorship circumstances, with a firm eye on how the past military regime impacts on the present. The purpose is to prevent peddlers of fake news and the ultra-right negationists from winning over the Brazilian public with their authoritarian versions of history. In sum, this is a book committed to democracy. This commitment does not imply any disrespect for the academy, or for opposing points of view, but at its heart it defends historiography via scientific method to counter authoritarian imposition of a historical narrative that supports dictatorship in any form and its leaders, political and military, remaining in power through coercion.
For thousands of years, Portugal has been the point of arrival and departure for peoples, cultures, languages, ideas, fashions, behaviours, beliefs, institutions and produce. While its miscegenation and global multimodal activity enriched the world in many ways, it also provoked violence, war, suffering and resistance. The Global History of Portugal contains 93 chapters grouped into five parts: Pre-history, Antiquity, Middle Ages, Early Modern period and Modern World. Each chapter begins with an event, interpreted in the light of global history. Each part opens with an introduction, offering a perspective of the period in question. The three Editors, five Scientific Coordinators (João Luís Cardoso, Carlos Fabião, Bernardo Vasconcelos e Sousa, Catia Antunes and António Costa Pinto) and ninety Contributors offer a critical and analytical synthesis of the history that originated in Portuguese territory or passed through it, stimulating the process of encounter and dis-encounter in todays global world. The history presented gives special attention to the world that moulded Portugal and the Portuguese, and to the ways Portugal configured the world. It seeks to identify and understand the transversal entanglements of historic impact and the impulses these gave to the construction of Portugal and the world. Contemporary reflection and academic scholarship on the global history of leading nations has stimulated a rethinking of the past and a more comprehensive recognition of legacy. Historians can no longer overlook the wider world with which their country of investigation has interacted. Portugal's role in the dynamic circulation of peoples and ideas makes it global history not only unique by way of what took place but also in terms of a potential academic template for better understanding of how the past shapes the present, and more particularly the importance of acknowledging a country's past historic mis-steps and how these are dealt with by contemporary populations.
As Portugal is celebrating the 50th anniversary of the Carnation Revolution, this book conveys a global and differentiating perspective on the aims and actions of its three main protagonists – the Armed Forces, the political parties and mass social organizations – by close examination of original archival documentation; oral and written primary sources; and government records.
In Mozambique and Guinea, the Portuguese colonial administration had to deal with Muslim communities of significant population expression and whose internal cultural differentiations presented a complexity to which the administrative power was often unprepared. The exercise of this governance, with all the variations that characterized it, extended throughout the period that the colonial project lasted, from the phase of effective military occupation, in the transition from the nineteenth to the twentieth century, until the end of the colonial wars in 1974. In this chronological segment, Portuguese Colonialism and Islam seeks to address the circumstances of the colonial governance and regulation of those populations, focusing on: (1) The representations and images of Islam and Muslims that the agents of Portuguese colonialism produced at significant stages of the period, the recurrence of this imagery, its evolution, and the way it interacted with the concrete policies of control and governance of the populations. (2) The changes that such policies underwent, oscillating between a posture of ambivalent hostility, more visible in the 1930s to 1950s and more present in Mozambique than in Guinea, and a strategy of rapprochement with the Islamic leadership and their religious enticement, a strategy developed in the final phase of the Colonial War as part of the fight against nationalist movements. (3) The critical eye with which representatives of former colonial powers followed the Portuguese policies of governance of Islam, expressed in the testimonies of consuls-general of France and the United Kingdom, and documents conveying how diplomatic bodies perceived the Portuguese colonial system.
After World War II, with the triumph of multilateralism, several international organizations were created, including two which would be of special importance for the external funding of the Portuguese economy in the second half of the twentieth century and in the early twenty-first. The European Union and the International Monetary Fund have been responsible for providing large amounts of funding, both in periods of economic development and during times of financial crisis. This contributory volume provides a thorough analysis on specific case studies: the Marshall Plan (1949-1952); the three IMF interventions (in the seventies, eighties and the 2011 bailout); the implementation of the first EU funds Portugal received prior to accession; and the debate on the new framework for European funds for the period 2021-2027. These case study analyses provide an overview of the legal, economic and financial implications that such external funding has on the country at different times and in different economic contexts. Of particular import at all times is the public finance legal framework, and this is especially the case for the new European funding structures, which has attracted some criticism. And for any future IMF financial assistance and its political implementation implications. Portuguese Economic Development and External Funding in the Modern Era provides important insights into economic development, crisis management, financial assistance and European investment funds. While the work is Portuguese-centred, the topics investigated and the means of analysis adopted are applicable to other countries. This is the first book to address economic development and external funding, and it will inevitably be used as a template for future research.
In 1965, after a coup led by Jose de Magalhaes Pinto and others, the military dictatorship closed down all the Brazilian political parties that had been active since 1945. The regime then allowed the creation of just two parties, one pro-government and the other an opposition party. This book analyzes the history of the National Renewal Alliance (Alianca Renovadora Nacional ARENA), the party created to support the military government. ARENA included the main leaders of Brazils previously existing conservative parties. Its early years were marked by political uncertainty as the military regime engaged with the pro-government party. The militarys intervention in the political field brought about disagreements regarding autonomy and policy, and politicians and leaders unwilling to toe the military line were circumscribed through removal from office and the stripping of political rights via decree. Lucia Grinberg sets out to explain how the legitimacy of the party was viewed by different parties (especially the opposition) and at different times, up to ARENAs dissolution in 1979. Issues of constitution, ideology, party loyalty, amnesty, and the gamut of political representation pervade its historiography. And not least the way the country, at all political, social and media levels, viewed the party. Drawing on abundant historical documents, the book makes a unique contribution to the comparative study of political parties in dictatorships. The Brazilian case is exceptional among the Latin American dictatorships of the 1960s and 70s, since the representative political institutions were preserved, despite the loss of prerogatives of the Legislative Branch.