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From "the most important voice to have entered the political discourse in years" (Bill Moyers), a scathing critique of the two-tiered system of justice that has emerged in America From the nation's beginnings, the law was to be the great equalizer in American life, the guarantor of a common set of rules for all. But over the past four decades, the principle of equality before the law has been effectively abolished. Instead, a two-tiered system of justice ensures that the country's political and financial class is virtually immune from prosecution, licensed to act without restraint, while the politically powerless are imprisoned with greater ease and in greater numbers than in any other country in the world. Starting with Watergate, continuing on through the Iran-Contra scandal, and culminating with Obama's shielding of Bush-era officials from prosecution, Glenn Greenwald lays bare the mechanisms that have come to shield the elite from accountability. He shows how the media, both political parties, and the courts have abetted a process that has produced torture, war crimes, domestic spying, and financial fraud. Cogent, sharp, and urgent, this is a no-holds-barred indictment of a profoundly un-American system that sanctions immunity at the top and mercilessness for everyone else.
In the century between the "Emancipation Proclamation" of Abraham Lincoln and the "I Have a Dream" speech of Martin Luther King Jr., America sought both to rebuff and to redeem the promise of "liberty and justice for all." The story of slavery and the bloody civil war that abolished it has been told, but the story of the struggle for liberty and justice by and for African Americans in the half-century following the end of Reconstruction has been largely overlooked. In this highly readable narrative, distinguished historian Ronald C. White Jr. portrays the people, their ideas, and their ongoing struggle for racial reform in the United States from 1877-1925--a vital prelude to the modern civil rights movement and Martin Luther King, Jr.
The author shares her own story as a reminder of the discriminatory practices that threatened women before Roe v. Wade, and identifies how proposed legislation restricting abortions compromises reproductive freedoms.
A wide-ranging exploration of the culture of American politics in the early decades of the Cold War
Analyzes some of the changes brought about by the Reagan-Bush Supreme Court, argues that the court is promoting an erosion of principles, and discusses the impact of Supreme Court decisions on life in the United States
"Giroux refuses to give in or give up. The Violence of Organized Forgetting is a clarion call to imagine a different America--just, fair, and caring--and then to struggle for it."--Bill Moyers "Henry Giroux has accomplished an exciting, brilliant intellectual dissection of America's somnambulent voyage into anti-democratic political depravity. His analysis of the plight of America's youth is particularly heartbreaking. If we have a shred of moral fibre left in our beings, Henry Giroux sounds the trumpet to awaken it to action to restore to the nation a civic soul."--Dennis J. Kucinich, former US Congressman and Presidential candidate "Giroux lays out a blistering critique of an America governed by the tenets of a market economy. . . . He cites French philosopher Georges Didi-Huberman's concept of the 'disimagination machine' to describe a culture and pedagogical philosophy that short-circuits citizens' ability to think critically, leaving the generation now reaching adulthood unprepared for an 'inhospitable' world. Picking apart the current malaise of 21st-century digital disorder, Giroux describes a world in which citizenship is replaced by consumerism and the functions of engaged governance are explicitly beholden to corporations."--Publishers Weekly In a series of essays that explore the intersections of politics, popular culture, and new forms of social control in American society, Henry A. Giroux explores how state and corporate interests have coalesced to restrict civil rights, privatize what's left of public institutions, and diminish our collective capacity to participate as engaged citizens of a democracy. From the normalization of mass surveillance, lockdown drills, and a state of constant war, to corporate bailouts paired with public austerity programs that further impoverish struggling families and communities, Giroux looks to flashpoints in current events to reveal how the forces of government and business are at work to generate a culture of mass forgetfulness, obedience and conformity. In The Violence of Organized Forgetting, Giroux deconstructs the stories created to control us while championing the indomitable power of education, democracy, and hope. Henry A. Giroux is a world-renowned educator, author and public intellectual. He currently holds the Global TV Network Chair Professorship at McMaster University in the English and Cultural Studies Department and a Distinguished Visiting Professorship at Ryerson University. The Toronto Star has named Henry Giroux “one of the twelve Canadians changing the way we think." More Praise for Henry A. Giroux's The Violence of Organized Forgetting: "I can think of no book in the last ten years as essential as this. I can think of no other writer who has so clinically dissected the crisis of modern life and so courageously offered a possibility for real material change."--John Steppling, playwright, and author of The Shaper, Dogmouth, and Sea of Cortez "A timely study if there ever was one, The Violence of Organized Forgetting is a milestone in the struggle to repossess the common sense expropriated by the American power elite to be redeployed in its plot to foil the popular resistance against rising social injustice and decay of political democracy."--Zygmunt Bauman, author of Does the Richness of the Few Benefit Us All? among other works Prophetic and eloquent, Giroux gives us, in this hard-hitting and compelling book, the dark scenario of Western crisis where ignorance has become a virtue and wealth and power the means of ruthless abuse of workers, of the minorities and of immigrants. However, he remains optimistic in his affirmation of radical humanity, determined as he is to relate himself to a fair and caring world unblemished by anti-democratic political depravity."--Shelley Walia, Frontline
The intention of this book is to provide a better understanding of the mission of public interest lawyers and stimulate thought about ways to energize and build a movement that advances social justice. I could not have succeeded in this effort without the help and support of many individuals and institutions. I wish to express my appreciation for their assistance. I am very grateful to the Board of Directors of the Alliance for Justice for its wisdom in establishing the Alliance and for its continuing support for this book and other important projects. I profited from discussion with many public interest lawyers, activists and foundation officers. These individuals, who are listed in Appendix D, gave generously of their time. A few merit special attention. Charles Halpern and the staff at the Council for Public Interest Law, who wrote Balancing the Scales of Justice: Financing Public Interest Law in America, provided a wonderful model for me to follow.
BEWARE -- Don't read LIBERTY AND JUSTICE FOR ALL (What A Joke ) if you are prone to get angry. The "Tea Party" movement is on the right track -- Federal Government takeover is bad news. You only know the beginning of the story; read this book and find out how any Federal takeover will drastically affect your life in America. Forget your right to -- Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Happiness that is guaranteed by our U.S. Constitution. The Pledge of Allegiance to our flag will no longer give you -- Liberty and Justice "for all." I have endured 48 years of having the federal government as my master. The federal agencies become a brotherhood; together they will protect their inner system that gives them more rights than our citizens. It is further frustrating that our Federal Judges give favoritism to government employees concerning legal matters in court. Speaking out against the Government made me a target and they conspired and came after me personally. They said they would teach me a lesson and did use illicit means in their mission. I soon learned that I had almost no legal rights compared to the rest of our citizens. When the government hires honest employees they immediately have lucrative amenities. This lifestyle soon coerces them to do illicit things when following orders from their federal superiors. You will learn that our Forest Service is a typical Federal bureaucracy. The system has become self-serving and our forests are very poorly managed. They have huge budgets; hire experts and managers of every description that study all facets of our forests. Their quest to have more wildernesses is more important than a healthy forest. Citizen use of our national forests is being reduced and our wildlife depleted. It is time to for many of our federal management agencies to be completely replaced. The Tea Party has a difficult job; our citizens have to be weaned from their continual sucking of the federal cow. Herbert Spencer once noted that on any given day, you could read two stories in the papers about the failures of government programs -- and three stories about pleas for "new government programs" to do even more for us. If there was ever a time to pray it is NOW.
"In this provocative new book from prophetic preacher and pastor Susan Williams Smith, the author tackles the truths that the church in the United States has long held to be self-evident-that ours is one nation under God, that our U.S. Constitution is (almost) as infallible as the Holy Bible, and that democracy and its principles of justice for all are sacrosanct and protected by both God and government. Yet, history and headlines alike expose the fallacy of those assumptions, particularly when viewed in the light of a national culture of white supremacy and systemic racial injustice. In fact, Smith argues, the two texts we count as sacred have not been merely impotent in eliminating racism; they have been used to support and sustain white supremacy. This important work examines how our foundational documents have failed people of color and asks the question, Can those whom a nation has considered "we the problem" ever become "we the people" who are celebrated in the Preamble to the Constitution? What will it take to reclaim the transforming and affirming power of God and government to secure liberty and justice for all?"--
'With Liberty and Justice for All?' is designed to help teachers and students generate analysis and debate in our nation's classrooms about an aspect of US history that has produced intense disagreements about rights and wrongs: constitutional history. For more than two centuries, Americans have argued about what the US Constitution permits or requires (or not), and what values and ideals it enshrines (or not) - indeed, who is to be included (or not) in the very definition of 'We the People.' This book provides abundant resources to explore key moments of debate about the Constitution and its meaning, focusing on fundamental questions of citizenship and rights.