Download Free Liberalism Diversity And Domination Book in PDF and EPUB Free Download. You can read online Liberalism Diversity And Domination and write the review.

Examines how distinctive liberalisms respond to racial, cultural, gender-based and class-based forms of diversity and difference.
This study addresses the complex and often fractious relationship between liberal political theory and difference by examining how distinctive liberalisms respond to human diversity. Drawing on published and unpublished writings, private correspondence and lecture notes, the study offers comprehensive reconstructions of Immanuel Kant's and John Stuart Mill's treatment of racial, cultural, gender-based and class-based difference to understand how two leading figures reacted to pluralism, and what contemporary readers might draw from them. The book mounts a qualified defence of Millian liberalism against Kantianism's predominance in contemporary liberal political philosophy, and resists liberalism's implicit association with imperialist domination by showing different divergent responses to diversity. Here are two distinctive liberal visions of moral and political life.
This book has its philosophical starting point in the idea that group-based social movements have positive implications for peace politics. It explores ways of imagining community, nation, and international systems through a political lens that is attentive to diversity and different lived experiences. Contributors suggest how groups might work toward new nonviolent conceptions and experiences of diverse communities and global stability.
In his major new work Chandran Kukathas offers, for the first time, a book-length treatment of this controversial and influential theory of minority rights. The work is a defence of a form of liberalism and multiculturalism. The general question it tries to answer is: what is the principled basis of a free society marked by cultural diversity and group loyalties? More particularly, it explains whether such a society requires political institutions which recognize minorities; howfar it should tolerate such minorities when their ways differ from those of the mainstream community; to what extent political institutions should address injustices suffered by minorities at the hands of the wider society, and also at the hands of the powerful within their own communities; what role,if any, the state should play in the shaping of a society's (national) identity; and what fundamental values should guide our reflections on these matters. Its main contention is that a free society is an open society whose fundamental principle is the principle of freedom of association. A society is free to the extent that it is prepared to tolerate in its midst associations which differ or dissent from its standards or practices. An implication of these principles is that political societyis also no more than one among other associations; its basis is the willingness of its members to continue to associate under the terms which define it. While it is an 'association of associations', it is not the only such association; it does not subsume all other associations. The principles of afree society describe not a hierarchy of superior and subordinate authorities but an archipelago of competing and overlapping jurisdictions. The idea of a liberal archipelago is defended as one which supplies us with a better metaphor of the free society than do older notions such as the body politic, or the ship of state. This work presents a challenge, and an alternative, to other contemporary liberal theories of multiculturalism.
Issues relating to diversity and pluralism permeate both social and political discourses in Canada. Of particular interest to this thesis are those issues raised when the demands of ethno-cultural diversity fail to converge with prescriptive objectives to promote said diversity within a democratic liberal state. In this way, this thesis scrutinizes the prescriptive intentions of Canadian multiculturalism and the ways in which it functions to conceal and protect White-European cultural and political dominance in Canadian society. So proposed, this thesis argues for a robust reorientation of liberalism through the normative starting point of non-ideal theory. Likewise, I will show that a radical liberal interculturalism triad, consisting of interculturalism, asymmetrical reciprocity and rectificatory justice can upend the misleading framework of mainstream liberal social contract theory. Hence, I move away from ideal theory's tendency to exclude, or at least marginalize, the actual state of affairs, by (1) subverting the taken-for-granted neutrality of the liberal individual; (2) jettisoning the misrepresented truths of ideal theory; (3) exposing the hegemonic practices of multiculturalism; and (4) illustrating the racial foundations of mainstream liberalism. In sum, this thesis claims that the radically liberal interculturalism triad offers a viable path toward dislodging the sites of White cultural and epistemological domination that lies just beneath the misleading facade of Canada's official multiculturalism.
The publication of Salman Rushdie's novel The Satanic Verses has provoked fierce debate about the scope of toleration in a modern multicultural society. This volume explores the philosophical issues arising from this debate from a variety of points of view. It includes both general discussions of the relationship between liberalism, toleration and multiculturalism, and several essays devoted specifically to the implications of the Rushdie affair for liberal political theory and its practical commitment to toleration.
We seem to be losing the ability to talk to each other about – and despite – our political differences. The liberal tradition, with its emphasis on open-mindedness, toleration, and inclusion, is ideally suited to respond to this challenge. Yet liberalism is often seen today as a barrier to constructive dialogue: narrowly focused on individual rights, indifferent to the communal sources of human well-being, and deeply implicated in structures of economic and social domination. This book provides a novel defense of liberalism that weaves together a commitment to republican self-government, an emphasis on the value of unregulated choice, and an appreciation of how hard it is to strike a balance between them. By treating freedom rather than justice as the central liberal value this important book, critical to the times, provides an indispensable resource for constructive dialogue in a time of political polarization.
In contemporary times, one of the common markers of a liberal society is the presence of a certain degree of diversity, indicated by coexistence of multiple ideas, beliefs, and cultural practices. But how does a complex and differentiated tradition of political thought like liberalism accommodate such diversity without jeopardizing social unity? Formulating a response to this, Dealing with Diversity puts forth an exhaustive theoretical classification of liberalism into comprehensive pro-autonomy, comprehensive pro-toleration, political pro-autonomy, and political pro-toleration. Through a dialectical method, the author offers a critical account of the most adequate system that allows genuine commitment to diversity on the part of liberal institutions, and analyses India’s religious pluralism in this light. The book seeks to provide a solution to the problem of ensuring a liberal, peaceful, and stable coexistence of different groups while giving space to community loyalties, religious belongings, and cultural traditions.
Based on new archival research, G. Williams Domhoff challenges popular conceptions of the 1930's New Deal. Arguing instead that this period was one of increasing corporate dominance in government affairs, affecting the fate of American workers up to the present day. While FDR's New Deal brought sweeping legislation, the tide turned quickly after 1938. From that year onward nearly every major new economic law passed by Congress showed the mark of corporate dominance. Domhoff accessibly portrays documents of the Committee's vital influence in the halls of government, supported by his interviews with several of its key employees and trustees. Domhoff concludes that in terms of economic influence, liberalism was on a long steady decline, despite two decades of post-war growing equality, and that ironically, it was the successes of the civil rights, feminist, environmental, and gay-lesbian movements-not a new corporate mobilisation-that led to the final defeat of the liberal-labour alliance after 1968.
In Liberalism and Pluralism the author explores the challenges conflicting values, interests and identities pose to liberal democracy. Richard Bellamy illustrates his criticism and proposals by reference to such topical issues as the citizens charter, constitutional reform, the Rushdie affair and the development of the European Union.