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This historic book may have numerous typos and missing text. Purchasers can usually download a free scanned copy of the original book (without typos) from the publisher. Not indexed. Not illustrated. 1890 edition. Excerpt: ... Speech at the Manhattan Club. October jo, 18f6. I deem it a great privilege to be permitted this evening, on behalf of the members of the Manhattan Club, to extend their cordial hospitality and welcome to our honored Governor and to the distinguished guests who gladden this occasion by their presence. Never since the foundation of this Club have we assembled under brighter auspices. Victory is in the air! That mighty orb of our political system -- Democracy -- is passing out of its long eclipse. But lately its life-giving rays made sunlight in the valley of the Ohio, and now they are streaming down upon the valleys of the Connecticut, the Delaware, and the Hudson; they are lighting up the darkness of the South; they are flooding the Mississippi valley; they are kindling joy and gladness in millions of patriotic hearts from the St. Lawrence to the Rio Grande, from Florida to the golden gates of the Pacific coast. I congratulate you, fellow-Democrats, upon these joyous omens. They betoken a speedy redemption of the land now a prey to the spoiler. They foretell the victorious wreaths with which, after another week of toil, you will deck the banner of " Tilden and Reform." One more week of toil! While every omen cheers us, let us not underestimate the strength, the numbers, the desperation of our foe. We have to dislodge and conquer an intrenched enemy, who fights behind his works-- and formidable works they are. It is the Federal Administration, plus the Republican party, using against Governor Tilden every weapon within reach. Powers lodged in their hands for the benefit of all the people are perverted and placed in the hands of his opponents to be employed against him in a popular election. Republican friends of mine say they hope for a...
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In this carefully researched book William J. Cooper gives us a fresh perspective on the period between Abraham Lincoln’s election in November 1860 and the firing on Fort Sumter in April 1861, during which all efforts to avoid or impede secession and prevent war failed. Here is the story of the men whose decisions and actions during the crisis of the Union resulted in the outbreak of the Civil War. Sectional compromise had been critical in the history of the country, from the Constitutional Convention of 1787 through to 1860, and was a hallmark of the nation. On several volatile occasions political leaders had crafted solutions to the vexing problems dividing North and South. During the postelection crisis many Americans assumed that once again a political compromise would settle yet another dispute. Instead, in those crucial months leading up to the clash at Fort Sumter, that tradition of compromise broke down and a rapid succession of events led to the great cataclysm in American history, the Civil War. All Americans did not view this crisis from the same perspective. Strutting southern fire-eaters designed to break up the Union. Some Republicans, crowing over their electoral triumph, evinced little concern about the threatened dismemberment of the country. Still others—northerners and southerners, antislave and proslave alike—strove to find an equitable settlement that would maintain the Union whole. Cooper captures the sense of contingency, showing Americans in these months as not knowing where decisions would lead, how events would unfold. The people who populate these pages could not foresee what war, if it came, would mean, much less predict its outcome. We Have the War Upon Us helps us understand what the major actors said and did: the Republican party, the Democratic party, southern secessionists, southern Unionists; why the pro-compromise forces lost; and why the American tradition of sectional compromise failed. It reveals how the major actors perceived what was happening and the reasons they gave for their actions: Lincoln and Jefferson Davis, Stephen A. Douglas, William Henry Seward, John J. Crittenden, Charles Francis Adams, John Tyler, James Buchanan, and a host of others. William J. Cooper has written a full account of the North and the South, Republicans and Democrats, sectional radicals and sectional conservatives that deepens our insight into what is still one of the most controversial periods in American history.
As French ambassador to the United States from July 1860 through December 1863, Henri Mercier was in an excellent position to observe, report, and influence the events of those crucial years. Through a description of Mercier's diplomacy, Professor Carroll gives a new account of the Civil War—the tenacious nationalism of the Lincoln-Seward government, the French economic distress caused by the loss of the cotton trade, the continental perspective on the War, the men and society of Washington and Richmond. He shows, in particular, that while maintaining friendly relations in Washington, Mercier seriously considered French recognition of the South, and intervention if necessary. Professor Carroll outlines the French peace proposals of 1862 and 1863, and also Mercier's ingenious plan for a North-South common market. Originally published in 1971. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.
Because of its extraordinary consequences and because of Abraham Lincoln's place in the American pantheon, the presidential election of 1860 is probably the most studied in our history. But perhaps for the same reasons, historians have focused on the contest of Lincoln versus Stephen Douglas in the northern free states and John Bell versus John C. Breckinridge in the slaveholding South. In The Election of 1860 a preeminent scholar of American history disrupts this familiar narrative with a clearer and more comprehensive account of how the election unfolded and what it was actually about. Most critically, the book counters the common interpretation of the election as a referendum on slavery and the Republican Party's purported threat to it. However significantly slavery figured in the election, The Election of 1860 reveals the key importance of widespread opposition to the Republican Party because of its overtly anti-southern rhetoric and seemingly unstoppable rise to power in the North after its emergence in 1854. Also of critical importance was the corruption of the incumbent administration of Democrat James Buchanan—and a nationwide revulsion against party. Grounding his history in a nuanced retelling of the pre-1860 story, Michael F. Holt explores the sectional politics that permeated the election and foreshadowed the coming Civil War. He brings to light how the campaigns of the Republican Party and the National (Northern) Democrats and the Constitutional (Southern) Democrats and the newly formed Constitutional Union Party were not exclusively regional. His attention to the little-studied role of the Buchanan Administration, and of perceived threats to the preservation of the Union, clarifies the true dynamic of the 1860 presidential election, particularly in its early stages.
Confidence man and canny operative, charlatan and manipulator--William A. A. Carsey emerged from the shadow of Tammany Hall to build a career undermining working-class political organizations on behalf of the Democratic Party. Mark A. Lause’s biography of Carsey takes readers inside the bare-knuckle era of Gilded Age politics. An astroturfing trailblazer and master of dirty tricks, Carsey fit perfectly into a Democratic Party that based much of its post-Civil War revival on shattering third parties and gathering up the pieces. Lause provides an in-depth look at Carsey’s tactics and successes against the backdrop of enormous changes in political life. As Carsey used a carefully crafted public persona to burrow into unsuspecting organizations, the forces he represented worked to create a political system that turned voters into disengaged civic consumers and cemented America’s ever-fractious two-party system.