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Connecting popular attitudes and social practices with political ideas, Land and Liberalism shows how Irish land in the 1880s was a site of ideological conflict and demonstrates the centrality of Henry George and the Irish Land War to the transformation of liberal thought.
Property law should expand opportunities for individual and collective self-determination and restrict options of interpersonal domination.
This book gives an account of a full spectrum of property rights and their relationship to individual liberty. It shows that a purely deontological approach to justice can deal with the most complex questions regarding the property system. Moreover, the author considers the economic, ecological, and technological complexities of our real-world property systems. The result is a more conceptually sound account of natural rights and the property system they demand. If we think that liberty should be at the centre of justice, what does that mean for the property system? Economists and lawyers widely agree that a property system must be composed of many different types of property: the kind of private ownership one has over one’s person and immediate possessions, as well as the kinds of common ownership we each have in our local streets, as well as many more. However, theories of property and justice have not given anything approaching an adequate account of the relationship between liberty and any other form of property other than private ownership. It is often thought that a basic commitment to liberty cannot really tell us how to arrange the major complexities of the property system, which diverge from simple private ownership. Property and Justice demonstrates how philosophical rigour coupled with interdisciplinary engagement enables us to think clearly about how to deal with real-world problems. It will be of interest to political philosophers, political theorists, and legal theorists working on property rights and justice.
Table of contents
While the need for a history of liberalism that goes beyond its conventional European limits is well recognized, the agrarian backwaters of the British Empire might seem an unlikely place to start. Yet specifically liberal preoccupations with property and freedom evolved as central to agrarian policy and politics in colonial Bengal.Ê Liberalism in Empire explores the generative crisis in understanding propertyÕs role in the constitution of a liberal polity, which intersected in Bengal with a new politics of peasant independence based on practices of commodity exchange. Thus the conditions for a new kind of vernacular liberalism were created. Andrew SartoriÕs examination shows the workings of a section of liberal policy makers and agrarian leaders who insisted that norms governing agrarian social relations be premised on the property-constituting powers of labor, which opened a new conceptual space for appeals to both political economy and the normative significance of property. It is conventional to see liberalism as traveling through the space of empire with the extension of colonial institutions and intellectual networks. SartoriÕs focus on the Lockeanism of agrarian discourses of property, however, allows readers to grasp how liberalism could serve as a normative framework for both a triumphant colonial capitalism and a critique of capitalism from the standpoint of peasant property.
"One of the most important political books of 2018."—Rod Dreher, American Conservative Of the three dominant ideologies of the twentieth century—fascism, communism, and liberalism—only the last remains. This has created a peculiar situation in which liberalism’s proponents tend to forget that it is an ideology and not the natural end-state of human political evolution. As Patrick Deneen argues in this provocative book, liberalism is built on a foundation of contradictions: it trumpets equal rights while fostering incomparable material inequality; its legitimacy rests on consent, yet it discourages civic commitments in favor of privatism; and in its pursuit of individual autonomy, it has given rise to the most far-reaching, comprehensive state system in human history. Here, Deneen offers an astringent warning that the centripetal forces now at work on our political culture are not superficial flaws but inherent features of a system whose success is generating its own failure.
In this essay, I ask what conception of property rights best reconciles the often conflicting claims of liberal freedoms and ecological sustainability. I argue that environmental concerns demand a reformulation of property rights in land, but that other spheres of property rights can be left more or less intact. Using ideas derived from John Stuart Mill, I develop a landed property regime which combines public wilderness zones with good private stewards to preserve ecosystem stability over time. The argument proceeds in three parts. In the first, I contend that sustainability requires treading carefully with landed property, because nothing impacts the environment more acutely than the human use of land. While most proprietary rights are in transformed natural resources derived from the earth, only land rights apply to the planet itself. But greens are not alone in focusing on land rights; liberal political thinkers as diverse as Locke and Mill have recognized a qualitative difference between property and land and property in other goods. It thus seems we can poke at land rights without undercutting the whole institution of private property. The second part of the paper musters Millian ideas concerning landed property to help arbitrate the frequent conflicts between private property and the public good. In Principles of Political Economy, Mill argued that it would be 'the height of injustice' for private individuals to usurp land where the productive power came primarily from nature (as opposed to human labor). Considering the value of ecosystem services to human flourishing, 'injustice' pervades modern property rights. Mill argues for a public goods conception of property instead; land rights are 'instrumental'rather than natural rights. From Mill's arguments I draw three principles which together constitute the basis for a sustainable land regime that is still permissive of private property. From these principles I sketch an outline of what this regime might look like on the ground; a sustainable mix of private stewards and public wilderness that avoids state coercion for environmental ends to the furthest degree possible. I argue this regime adapts well to changing ecological conditions, minimizing the need for continual political tinkering. I conclude by demonstrating the fairly wide agreement this regime should command, from Hayek-style liberals on one end to radical greens on the other.