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Written at a critical juncture in the history of the Labour Party, Speak for Britain! is a thought-provoking and highly original interpretation of the party's evolution, from its trade union origins to its status as a national governing party. It charts Labour's rise to power by re-examining the impact of the First World War, the general strike of 1926, Labour's breakthrough at the 1945 general election, the influence of post-war affluence and consumerism on the fortunes and character of the party, and its revival after the defeats of the Thatcher era. Controversially, Pugh argues that Labour never entirely succeeded in becoming 'the party of the working class'; many of its influential recruits - from Oswald Mosley to Hugh Gaitskell to Tony Blair - were from middle and upper-class Conservative backgrounds and rather than converting the working class to socialism, Labour adapted itself to local and regional political cultures.
Andrew Thorpe's book rapidly established itself as the leading single-volume history of the Labour Party. This second edition takes the story to 2000 with a new chapter on the development of "New Labour" and the Blair government. The reasons for the party's formation, its aims and achievements, its failure to achieve office more often, and its remarkable recovery since its problems in the 1980s, as well as key events and leading personalities, are all discussed.
New Labour's electoral success of the late 20th century was due in no small part to its grasp of media communication. This book reminds us that the importance of the mass media to Labour's political fortunes is by no means a modern phenomenon.
The Second World War was a watershed moment in foreign policy for the Labour Party in Britain. Before the war, British socialists had held that nationalism was becoming obsolete and that humanity was steadily evolving towards the ideal of a single world government. The collapse of the League of Nations destroyed this optimistic vision, compelling Labour to undertake a fundamental review of its entire approach to foreign affairs during a period of unprecedented global crisis. This book traces the controversy that ensued, as the British democratic left set about the task of defining the principles of a radically new international system for the postwar world. The schemes proposed by Labour policymakers during these years encompassed a wide variety of political institutions aiming at the restraint or supersession of the sovereign nation-state. What they shared in common, however, was a reconceptualization of British identity, in which the hyper-patriotism of the wartime period blended with the left's traditional internationalism. This new 'muscular' internationalism was to have a major impact upon the evolution of entities as diverse as the United Nations Organizations, the British Commonwealth and the accelerating campaign in favor of European unity after Labour assumed the reins of government in 1945. Breaking with the traditional accounts that place Cold War tensions at the centre of the Attlee government's activities in the immediate postwar years, R.M. Douglas's book provides an entirely new framework for reassessing British foreign policy and left-wing concepts of national identity during the most turbulent moment of Britain's modern history. This book will be essential reading for all students and researchers of British foreign policy, the Labour Party and international relations.
For the first eighteen months of Jeremy Corbyn's leadership, Labour MPs were in open revolt. The party seemed to be heading back to the early 1980s, when old-school Marxists tried and failed to take over the party, at a shocking electoral cost. The snap general election called by Theresa May for 8 June 2017 looked set to consign Labour to the history books. But the best-laid plans of mice and men... How long can the uneasy peace between moderate, anti-Corbyn MPs and the leader's loyal grassroots activists last? What does Jeremy Corbyn's Labour Party have in common with the Labour Party of Attlee, Wilson and Blair? Is there even a future for either version of 'democratic socialism' in the twenty-first century? Or is the Labour Party, as generations of voters have known it, finally coming to the end of its useful life? The seeds of Labour's travails and its hostile takeover by the hard left were sown years earlier, during the turbulent, chaotic last years of the Labour government. In Ten Years in the Death of the Labour Party, columnist and former Labour MP Tom Harris turns the spotlight on the decisions that doomed the party's fortunes and the people who made them.
The Labour Party is at a crossroads. Following its ejection from government, the reasons behind Labour's defeat have been hotly debated - but where to go from here? On the benches of opposition, with ample opportunity to consider how best to travel the path back to power, leading Labour figures are delving into the party's revisionist tradition to find an answer. The challenge now is how to return to the party's core principles, and it is to this challenge that The Purple Book offers a first contribution. With a foreword by Ed Miliband and contributors including both shadow and former ministers, new MPs and senior councillors, the book presents fresh policies for Labour's revival. Calling for a progressive agenda with, at its heart, a redistribution of power to individuals and local communities, The Purple Book draws on lessons from Labour's past and looks firmly to the future. Exploring the issues that the party must tackle in order to reshape the political debate, it seeks to reframe New Labour for the twenty-first century.
On 27 February 1900, the Labour Representation Committee was formed to campaign for the election of working class representatives to parliament. One hundred years on Labour is in government with an overwhelming majority. This book is a unique opportunity both to celebrate and assess critically the Labour Party's role in shaping events of the twentieth century. It brings together academics from a variety of disciplines to examine the history of the Party's development. Each chapter includes contributions in the form of commentary and analysis from former Labour leaders, cabinet ministers and backbench MPs. Contributors include: Michael Foot, Denis Healey, David Owen, Keith Laybourn, Robert Taylor, Steve Ludlam, Nick Ellison, Clare Short and Austin Mitchell, among others.
From Attlee to the birth of New Labour, and the advent of Corbynism, this book gives a lively account of the ideological developments and dramas in the Labour Party in recent decades. Batrouni delves into the totemic battles between hard and soft left, examining the destructive and creative elements of key periods of Labour’s ideological exhaustion and ideational confusion. Providing powerful insights from interviews with some of the most influential thinkers, advisors and MPs in the party, he goes on to examine the phenomenal emergence of Corbynism, the impact of Brexit and what lies ahead for the party.
The Labour Party has been using marketing longer than is commonly realised. Leading figures like Morrison, Snowden, Webb, Gaitskell, Benn and Wilson were among those who recognized the importance of imagery and symbolic communication long before the time of Kinnock, Mandelson and Blair. Politics of Marketing the Labour Party traces how the party's political campaigning has developed since its birth and how the increasing use of marketing contributed to the radical restructuring of both the organization and its policies.
Much has been written about the activity of Lenin and his colleagues on the editorial board of the Iskra newspaper, whereas little has been said about the opponents of Leninism, who unsuccessfully fought for control of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party during the Iskra period. To redress the balance, Richard Mullin has translated 25 documents from this period, most of which express an anti-Lenin view. They include articles from Rabochee Delo, the Jewish Bund's Poslednie Izvestiia and the post-Lenin Iskra, pamphlets by Plekhanov and Martov, the resolutions of Party meetings and some very revealing private correspondence. However, the result is not an anti-Bolshevik polemic: through these documents a clearer, and curiously flattering picture of Lenin's thought and activity is obtained.