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Fighting in Kachin state flared back up just months after President Thien Sein came to power in March 2011. The new government almost immediately began negotiating a series of peace agreements with ethnic armed groups declaring that the signature of a nationwide ceasefire with all ethnic armed groups would be a priority for this first civilian administration. By convincing the majority of groups involved in armed struggle against the Tatmadaw to sign ceasefire agreements, the predominantly civilian government succeeded in winning some credibility, both nationally and internationally. At the same time, several old fault lines have re-emerged, among them the conflict in Kachin and Northern Shan States. The roots of the conflict in Kachin State between the KIO and government troops go back to grievances over control of the territory (and its lucrative natural resources) and the preservation of ethnic identity after the end of British colonial rule in 1948. The rekindling of this old conflict, after seventeen years of ceasefire, serves as a powerful reminder of the fragility of certain aspects of the transition process. The setback to conflict and blockage of peace process with the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) and its Army (KIA) show that some structural political issues remain, such as the recognition of local power structures and decentralization. While much has been written in the media about the legal, economic, and political reforms in Myanmar; academic research about the Kachin Conflict, as well as firsthand information remains scarce. Analyzing the causes of the conflict and current impediments to peace in Kachin territories provides an illustration of the limits of the transition process. This research examines the personal experiences of a strong sample of influential Kachin people, shows the complexity of notions of war and peace in the collective Kachin memory, as well as the reinterpretation of these by local leadership for political ends.
The history of regional sporting events in 20th- century Asia yields insights into Western and Asian perspectives on what defines modern Asia, and can be read as a staging of power relations in Asia and between Asia and the West. The Far Eastern Championship Games began in 1913, and were succeeded after the Pacific War by the Asian Games. Missionary groups and colonial administrations viewed sporting success not only as a triumph of physical strength and endurance but also of moral education and social reform. Sporting competitions were to shape a "new Asian man" and later a "new Asian woman" by promoting internationalism, egalitarianism and economic progress, all serving to direct a “rising” Asia toward modernity. Over time, exactly what constituted a “rising” Asia underwent remarkable changes, ranging from the YMCA’s promotion of muscular Christianity, democratization, and the social gospel in the US-colonized Philippines to Iranian visions of recreating the Great Persian Empire. Based on a vast range of archival materials and spanning 60 years and 3 continents, Pan-Asian Sports and the Emergence of Modern Asia shows how pan-Asian sporting events helped shape anti-colonial sentiments, Asian nationalisms, and pan-Asian aspirations in places as diverse as Japan and Iran, and across the span of countries lying between them.
"A collection under the supervision of Benoit de Treglode."
Thailand is usually closely associated with Buddhism, but since 1998 the country has been one of the observer members of the Islamic Conference Organization, and senior figures in the present and previous governments have been Muslim. Some 8 percent of the population is Muslim, and in the three southernmost provinces of the country they constitute a majority. Islam is ever more visible in Bangkok, where the demographic increase of Muslims is marked. Michel Gilquin, a sociologist specializing in the study of Muslim societies and a resident of Morocco, examines the origins of Islam in the kingdom of Siam, Muslim integration into the Thai nation, and the effects of globalization and modernity on a mostly traditional and rural community. In particular he considers the weight of history of the old sultanate of Patani on the present-day Yawi-speaking majority in Narathiwat, Yala, and Pattani, and the circumstances leading to "the troubles" which erupted in 2004 and which, alas, continue. Without proposing any solutions, the book explains the background to the present impasse, and considers how far integration of the minority has been, and can be, successful.
L’Asie du Sud-Est est l’une des régions les plus effer­vescentes de la planète. Forte d’une population de 650 millions d’habitants et d’une croissance économique élevée, son attractivité dépasse largement les frontières asiatiques ; le monde entier s’intéresse désormais aux développements de ce territoire dont l’influence ne fera qu’augmenter dans les prochaines décennies. Son développement économique accéléré est favorable à l’émergence de nouveaux enjeux d’ordres politique, économique, démographique, territorial, social et environnemental, qui, une fois mis bout à bout, peuvent accentuer les contrastes économiques et sociaux, voire les déséquilibres d’une région soumise aux défis de l’intégration. Le présent ouvrage brosse un tableau des différentes dynamiques de l’Asie du Sud-Est. Sans être exhaustif, ce portrait prend appui sur les trajectoires suivies depuis un demi-siècle et fournit des clés de compréhension des problématiques actuelles. Il consiste en une analyse pluridisciplinaire de l’Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine dans sa globalité. Si chaque thème abordé offre l’occasion de se pencher plus particulièrement sur un des pays de la zone (car d’importantes disparités subsistent parfois entre les pays), c’est l’approche régionale et transversale qui reste privilégiée, afin de mettre en relief les réalités qui sont celles de l’Asie du Sud-Est. Cet ouvrage s’adresse aussi bien aux chercheurs et aux étudiants qu’aux journalistes, ainsi qu’à toute personne curieuse de découvrir l’Asie du Sud-Est d’aujourd’hui. Barthélémy Courmont est maître de conférences à l’Université catholique de Lille, où il est responsable du master d’histoire – relations internationales, et directeur de recherche à l’Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques, où il s’occupe du pôle Asie-Pacifique. Il est corédacteur en chef d’Asia Focus. Éric Mottet est professeur de géopolitique au Département de géographie de l’Université du Québec à Montréal, codirecteur de l’Observatoire de l’Asie de l’Est, directeur adjoint du Conseil québécois d’études géopolitiques ainsi que chercheur associé à l’Institut de recherche sur l’Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine.
MGCI was launched on 10th November 2000 in Vientiane (Laos) and aims at rekindling the cultural links between India and the five riparian states of the Mekong River, namely, Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand and Viet Nam. It is from here that India seeks to strengthen connectivity through building the physical and social infrastructure in these countries. This includes roads, rails, air links and information and communication technologies as also education, culture, and imparting skills in development management and other technical areas.
L'agriculture représente le moteur essentiel du développement économique et social pour les pays d'Asie de l'Est et du Sud-Est. Elle y occupe la majorité de la main d'œuvre et doit à la fois assurer la subsistance de la population rurale, faire face à l'augmentation et à la diversification de la consommation urbaine et contribuer à produire des ressources pour l'exportation. L'ouvrage place au cœur de ses préoccupations les petites exploitations villageoises, leurs activités de production, transformation et commercialisation des marchés. (Ouvrage en français et en anglais).
The political regime in Myanmar used to be a seemingly monopolistic structure where power was exclusively in the Army’s hands. A marginal external influence was exercised by businessmen with close ties to the regime while the country is also exposed to the influence of powerful regional states. Since the General Elections in November 2010, the establishment of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar with a parliamentary democracy (which remains under some control of the Army, but with notable civilian representation) is the most noticeable change in Myanmar politics for decades as it may shift the state away from the Army monopoly, although concrete changes remain to be demonstrated.